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Wednesday, May 6, 2015

Which Pa. school districts get the highest share of aid from the state? | Philadelphia Public School Notebook

Which Pa. school districts get the highest share of aid from the state? | Philadelphia Public School Notebook:

Which Pa. school districts get the highest share of aid from the state?





Which school districts in Pennsylvania receive the most state funding as a share of their total revenue?
If you guessed Philadelphia, you'd be dead wrong.
As the interactive map below shows, the Philadelphia School District (85 percent economically disadvantaged) receives about 45 percent of its funding from Harrisburg — nowhere near the top of the list.
Rural districts in Western Pennsylvania dominate this category.
Meyersdale School district (45 percent economically disadvantaged) gets 73 percent of its revenue from the state.
Valley Grove School District (56 percent economically disadvantaged) gets about 72 percent of its revenue from Harrisburg.
Tussey Mountain School District (58 percent economically disadvantaged) receives about 70 percent of its funding from the state.
Districts in the far Northeast section of the commonwealth also receive a large portion of their school budgets from the state.
Northeast Bradford School District (47 percent economically disadvantaged) gets 68 percent of its funding from Harrisburg.
Susquehanna Community School District (58 percent economically disadvantaged) also gets about 68 percent.
What drives these numbers?
• Pennsylvania's lack of a predictable, student weighted funding formula allows state tax dollars to flow through Harrisburg in a largely irrational manner. Districts with more students in poverty, more special education students, and more english language learners don't formulaically receive additional state aid to help cover the added costs of meeting the needs of those students. If such a formula were implemented, urban districts like Philadelphia, Allentown and Reading would see a boost, while many rural and suburban districts would likely receive less state revenue.
• Lawmakers dole out education spending largely based on what a district received the year prior. This "hold harmless" provision means that even if a district loses enrollment, the state will not reduce its share of aid.
• In some cases, districts with stronger connections to state political power get funding boosts not enjoyed by other districts.
It's important to stress here that this analysis looks at the percentage of funding sources, not overall dollar amounts.
In total dollars, Philadelphia receives the most state aid by far. But it has, by far, the most students — serving about 203,000 kids in district-and-charter-run public schools.
The next most populated district is Pittsburgh, which serves 26,000 students.

To have and to have not...

Overall, the state's poorest urban districts receive less state aid as a percentage of total funding than the state's rural districts.
The exception is the Reading School District (93 percent economically disadvantaged), which tops the list with 73.3 percent of its funding coming from Harrisburg.
Chester Upland (82 percent economically disadvantaged) gets 66 percent.
York City (84 percent economically disadvantaged) gets about 57 percent from the state.
Allentown (88 percent economically disadvantaged) gets about 53 percent.
Erie (80 percent economically disadvantaged) gets about 54 percent from Harrisburg.
Wealthy suburbs of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh receive the least state aid.
School districts in Radnor and Lower Merion get about 11 percent of their funding from the state. Fox Chapel Area School District gets about 16 percent.
Some urban education advocates question why these districts need to receive any state aid at all.
The map above reveals a few other standouts. The Wallenpaupack School District (52 percent economically disadvantaged) gets only 21 percent of its funding from Harrisburg.
Jim Thorpe School District gets about (50 percent economically disadvantaged) gets only 17 percent.
Akin to Philadelphia's situation, Delaware County's William Penn School District (79 percent economically disadvantaged) gets about 41 percent.

About this series: Multiple Choices is a collaboration between Keystone Crossroads and the Philadelphia Public School Notebook, an independent, nonprofit source of education news. The project is funded by a grant from the William Penn Foundation in Philadelphia.
In the Multiple Choices podcast, Keystone Crossroads senior education writer Kevin McCorry joins with Paul Socolar, publisher and editor of the Public School Notebook, and Notebook contributing editor Dale Mezzacappa to explain and explore the history, complexities and controversies of public education funding in Pennsylvania.
Look for new installments of Multiple Choices every week for the rest of the spring, as the General Assembly reviews Gov. Wolf's ambitious school funding and tax plan.

Teacher: I don’t care about my students’ grades. This is far more important. - The Washington Post

Teacher: I don’t care about my students’ grades. This is far more important. - The Washington Post:

Teacher: I don’t care about my students’ grades. This is far more important.





This is the second in a series of essays I will publish in the coming weeks that emanate from a project in which more than 20 biology teachers around the country wrote around the prompt: “What is the value of letting students struggle in class?”  The effort was an attempt to give teachers an avenue to discuss teaching and how they deal with the struggles of their students. You can read about the project here, and the first post, here.
This was written by Bethany Dixon, the Science Department chair at Western Sierra Collegiate Academy, a public charter school in Rocklin, California, where she teaches biology and AP Biology. She is a regional coordinator for the National Association of Biology Teachers and has written for the California Science Teachers Association. She was Clark County School District’s New Teacher of the Year, an NSTA Teacher Academy Dow Fellow, and a NASA teacher researcher. She calls herself an active-duty Air Force wife to a patient husband and mother to a gregarious kindergartener. Currently, she is working with Stanford’s Center to Support Excellence in Teaching and Howard Hughes Medical Institute to build a Regional Teacher Academy for AP Biology teachers.

By Bethany Dixon
The 90 pounds of equipment didn’t seem like life support. I was freezing and claustrophobic in my rented wetsuit. My mask was leaking saltwater into my eyes and an unforgiving mixture of sharp liquid and air gushed into my throat from accidentally biting my mouthpiece. I have no gills. I have no swim bladder. I am going to die. Panicked, I clutched at my instructor and he took me by the shoulders, saying “It’s like a fish tank. You’ll love it.” He pushed a switch somewhere on my suit and I was finally able to float. We reviewed breathing through the mouthpiece and adjusted my goggles.
All animals avoid struggle. It’s an evolutionary advantage to be able to get out of dangerous situations before they begin. Technology has changed this. It’s not those who struggle who fail in our society because lives without struggle don’t exist. Our ability to handle the struggles determine our success. The distribution of struggle is highly unfair. Those who accumulate resources use them to avoid struggle: they keep their offspring protected from harm, as all creatures do. We recognize that this protection is a false wall. We build children’s ‘character’ by imposing socially-sanctioned struggles with a cushion of parental support. We all mean well: to protect our own and lead them into success.
On the opposite side of town are parents who struggle to house themselves. Their children are born into struggles, growing up with invisible encumbrances they may never recognize or outgrow. They lack the head start that money affords and, regardless of parental love and support, find themselves unconditioned for the world they’re entering. Poverty is a sledgehammer to their knees at the starting line. By the time they heal, the race is over. The few who overcome poverty are trapped in a nether-class: their calloused hands become a reminder of the ladder they’ve climbed. It’s easier to stay down than regret your lonely ascent.
Most of us aren’t exceptional. We can easily think of three worse and three better families: we are the unfortunate fortunate ones. We can’t afford private school but can drive our kids to a public charter every day. This year, 131 students will learn biology in a room with great windows, exposed ductwork, and unfinished cement floors. It’s my classroom. Here’s the part their families hate: I don’t give a damn about their kid’s grade. This isn’t a trendy, standards-based answer to student success questions, either: my aim is to figure out how to get your student to engage in the struggle and win.
My students are 15 years younger than me at most. These kids will be working with me, not picking out my nursing home. I can’t afford to sugarcoat the mess we’re in and who’s going to have to clean it up. We’re not playing school. We’re equipping our society for survival, and these are the children who will be solving our biggest problems. The task at hand is determining when and how to push students academically in order to help them reach their potential for the good of everyone.
Struggle in my classroom can’t be established until students trust me. Demonstrating caring, sharing my goals for them, explaining the course goals and recognizing and communicating feelings to my classes are a necessary part of teaching. Students have to know that you’re going to catch them before they’re willing to take a leap. They have to struggle to learn something meaningful, and learning to overcome struggle is the most valuable thing I can teach them. Their success comes down to understanding where they are on a daily basis. For me, this means where they fall in my head on this chart:
Students’ ability to engage in productive struggle is mitigated by three consistently changing factors: their parental involvement (socioeconomic status, ability to resolve conflict effectively, etc.), their motivation in school, and their inherent ability to do well on school-related, academic tasks. Student ability can be affected by everything from how much they were read to as a child to the amount of sleep they had last night. Their motivation can wax and wane with parental involvement or hold steady regardless of input. Identifying students on this spectrum allows us to begin to have conversations about students that may be helpful for educators: how do we serve a student who has no parental support, is highly motivated, but has low ability? What happens when a student has high parental involvement and high ability, but low motivation? What about a moderate amount of motivation, high ability, and toxic parental involvement?
Each situation has a commonality: they all require a compassionate instructor to introduce challenging material, model successful struggle, and provide students with skills rather than answers. Struggle is a visceral, uncomfortable, necessary place for learners. Providing students with strategies, curriculum, and facts cannot happen until they trust that teachers have their best interests at heart. Earning trust depends on the student, their circumstances, and individual teacher personality. When students enter fight-or-flight because they’re in unfamiliar waters, they’ll need a teacher to set them on the right course.
As a terrified scuba student I had reached struggle: in fact, I was past it. Panic had set in. I couldn’t reconcile the idea that my body was sinking but I’d be alive and well with my scuba gear. Intellectually I ‘got’ it … but my body was in full-fledged fight-or-flight mode. Taking students from panic to understanding requires courage, trust, and experience. When I look to support students in unfamiliar territory, I go back to when I was in panic and remember the support I needed. The scuba instructor gave me choices but supported my decisions. He explained the benefits of success and the costs of failure. He took my fear seriously and listened to my concerns. Because of his patience I was able to succeed: I tightened my grip on his gloved hand, pushed under the water, and opened my eyes. Teacher: I don’t care about my students’ grades. This is far more important. - The Washington Post
Valerie Strauss covers education and runs The Answer Sheet blog.


10 U.S Presidents who also worked as teachers - Yahoo News

10 U.S Presidents who also worked as teachers - Yahoo News:

10 U.S Presidents who also worked as teachers






 On National Teacher Day, Constitution Daily looks at 10 Presidents who were teachers in some capacity before they occupied the White House – including one who later married his own teacher.

The most common occupation among the Presidents is lawyer, with 25 future Presidents practicing the law in some capacity. But as you’ll see below, more than a few Presidents paid partly for their legal educations while working as educators.
View photo
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MillardFillmore640
Millard Fillmore: Teacher’s Pet?
Our list of “presidential teachers” starts with the second President and ends with the current President.
John Adams
John Adams taught for a brief period after graduating from Harvard. Adams taught in at a Latin school in Worcester, to earn money to pay for his legal education.
John Quincy Adams
John Quincy Adams was as a professor at Harvard University from 1806 to 1809, and he also lectured at Brown University. Adams taught oratory and logic classes.
Millard Fillmore
Not only was Fillmore a teacher at one point, he married his own teacher! In 1819 the 19-year-old Fillmore attended a school for several months, and he eventually married his teacher, who was two years older than Fillmore. Fillmore then taught elementary school to help pay for his law school tuition.
James Garfield
His first occupation was as a part-time teacher in rural schools in Ohio. Garfield later taught penmanship at the same Vermont academy, the North Pownal Academy, that also employed Chester Alan Arthur as an instructor, and he taught at the Western Reserve Eclectic Institute in Ohio.
Chester Alan Arthur
After graduating from Union College, Arthur spent several years teaching school and studying the law until he passed his bar exam.
Grover Cleveland
He was a teacher at the New York Institute for the Blind in Manhattan before deciding to pursue a law career.
William Howard Taft
Between 1896 and 1900 Taft was the first dean and a professor of constitutional law at the University of Cincinnati. After failing in his 1912 re-election bid, Taft became the Chancellor Kent Professor of Law and Legal History at Yale Law School, before returning to public service as a Supreme Court justice.
Woodrow Wilson
After graduating from Princeton University, the University of Virginia Law School, and Johns Hopkins University, Wilson entered into a prestigious academic career. He was named president of Princeton in 1902 before he went into politics.
Lyndon Baines Johnson
As a student at Southwest Texas State Teachers College, Johnson was assigned to a tiny Hispanic school in a deeply impoverished area, where he thrived. Johnson left his brief career as a teacher to pursue politics during the Great Depression.
Barack Obama
From 1992 until his election to the U.S. Senate in 2004, Obama served as a professor at the University of Chicago Law School. He was a Lecturer from 1992 to 1996. He was a Senior Lecturer until 2004.
Recent Constitution Daily History Stories

Teach for America’s plan to turn around falling applications - Fortune

Teach for America’s plan to turn around falling applications - Fortune:

Teach for America's plan to turn around falling applications



 Elisa Villanueva Beard, co-CEO of Teach for America, tells Fortune about how the organization plans to bounce back after a year when applications dropped by about 10%.

Taking over when a charismatic founder steps down is never easy, but Elisa Villanueva Beard has had it tougher than most.
Beard and co-CEO Matt Kramer took on the top jobs at Teach for America, the highly selective organization that trains college graduates to teach in troubled schools, when founder Wendy Kopp stepped down in 2013. Then, after 13 straight years of growth, the number of applications to TFA fell slightly for the 2014/2015 school year, and dropped again for 2015/2016–this time by about 10%. Meanwhile, critics have charged TFA’s boot-camp style training, limited time commitment, and relationships with charter schools with undermining the teaching profession and public education.
Beard and Kramer are not the only ones struggling with these issues. The criticisms directed at their organization reflect the broader tensions that are everywhere in public education today. It’s also worth noting that TFA remains the largest source of new teachers, and that, according to a new study, students taught by relatively inexperienced TFA teachers post similar test scores to those who are taught by teachers with more than a decade of experience.
Originally from the Rio Grande Valley in South Texas, Beard joined TFA’s teacher corps in back 1998. She held a variety of regional posts before becoming COO and then co-CEO.
Beard, who lives in Houston with her husband and four sons, talked with us about how TFA is working to turn around its recruiting numbers, bring in more minority teachers, and forge stronger local relationships. What follows is an edited transcript from that conversation.
Fortune: Teach for America is facing some challenges. Applications were down about 10% last year, following a decline the previous year. What’s behind the drop?
Elisa Villanueva Beard: Throughout our history we’ve seen that an improving economy makes recruiting more challenging. The country has a post-recession mindset. When we talk to college students, we hear that people are looking for financial stability. They want to get a good footing out of college. When that’s a big thing on people’s minds, the salary of a teaching profession is an issue.
The polarized conversation around education adds an additional layer of complexity. Negativity around the work of teachers makes it harder to attract new ones.
Are you changing the way you recruit to try to turn things around?
We are re-gearing and looking at a number of things. One is starting earlier. People are taking jobs earlier. We have to get to them by sophomore or junior year, through internships or other ways that younger college students can be exposed to our alumni, who are doing awesome work, and to people who have been shaped by the program.
We’re looking at people’s motivations and making customized pathways, such as a social justice or policy tract. This generation is really entrepreneurial and interested in social justice. Companies have figured that out, and as a social justice organization, we need to get that message out. We need to double-down and tell our stories of impact.
Also, we’re working on better execution of our entire recruiting process—even handling applications faster.
You mentioned you were innovating across your business model. What other changes are in the works?
One of our biggest steps is spurring new thinking about supporting teachers locally. In the past, direction came from the center and was pushed out. But our regions are so different. We’re going to have decisions made closer to the ground. We also had national training institutes, so you might train in Tulsa, but work in Raleigh. Incoming teachers will start being trained in the region where they will be working, so they can start meeting the community and the children sooner.
Some critics have said that TFA’s two-year commitment causes instability in schools, since many teachers don’t stick around after their second year. How do you respond to that?
If we went to three, we would lose people. Two years is a long time to for kids coming out of college. The key is that TFA’s mission is to bring people who aren’t sure about Teach for America’s plan to turn around falling applications - Fortune:

Teacher Evaluation Debate in Sacramento - CETPA

Advocacy - CETPA:
Teacher Evaluation Debate in Sacramento

Teacher evaluation and training is an area of interest among legislators this year, in part spurred by the Vergara v. State of California lawsuit. As we’ve mentioned, some Democrats have proposed bills this session that could make part of the appeal moot by changing the current law with respect to teacher evaluations. 

Two measures would require locally negotiated best practices teacher evaluation systems, with various objectives required to be part of the evaluation. The nearly identical measures were introduced by Senate Education Committee Chair Liu (D-La Canada Flintridge), SB 499, and
Assembly Education Committee Chair O’Donnell (D-Long Beach) along with Speaker Atkins (D-San Diego), AB 575. Based on conversations with senior legislative staff, the intent is for both bills to set minimum state standards for teachers and administrators, with the metrics to be locally negotiated. Once amendments are agreed upon, the language will be amended into one or both of the bills and heard by their respective Education Committees, likely during the week of April 20th. 

A third bill related to evaluation systems, AB 1495 by Assembly Budget Committee Chair Weber (D-San Diego), would add to the current evaluation system a requirement to evaluate certificated employees based on pupil achievement and pupil outcomes as described in the LCAP, and sets forth evidence that may be used to show pupil progress. 

The politics of this issue are complicated by the pending appeal of the Vergara case. While the Legislature may want to pass legislation to potentially render a court decision moot, the Governor may not be willing to play along. His January budget proposed to spend $10 million dollars to strengthen teacher and administrator induction programs and data systems could be a signal that he doesn’t want to do anything legislatively on teacher evaluation right now. Look for these bills to move through the Legislature and ultimately come down to a decision by Governor Brown. 

The following is a summary of all employee evaluation and training legislation:

Allows a licensed healing arts professional to receive one unit of continuing education credit for attending courses that result in the licensee becoming a certified instructor of cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) or the proper use of an automated external defibrillator (AED). Allows such licensees to receive two units of continuing education credits for conducting CPR or AED training sessions for employees of school districts and community college districts in the state.

Makes nonsubstantive changes to existing law that states the intent of the Legislature that the governing board of each school district establish a uniform system of evaluation and assessment of the performance of all certificated personnel within the school district.

Requires the governing board of each school district and charter school to adopt and implement a locally negotiated best practices teacher evaluation system, described as one in which each teacher is evaluated on a continuing basis on the degree to which he or she accomplishes specific objectives and multiple observations of instructional and other professional practices that are conducted by trained evaluators. Exempts hourly employees performing adult education classes. The evaluation shall include, but is not limited to, the degree of accomplishment of the following objectives:
  1. Engages and supports all pupils in learning 
  2. Creates and maintains effective environments for pupil learning, to the extent that those environments are within the teacher’s control
  3. Understands and organizes subject matter for pupil learning 
  4. Plans instruction and designs learning experiences for all pupils 
  5. Uses pupil assessment information to inform instruction and to improve learning 
  6. Develops as a professional educator 
  7. Contributes to pupil academic growth based on multiple measures, as follows: 
  1. State and local formative and summative assessments in the grade levels and subjects that these assessments are administered
  2. Classroom work, local and state academic assessments, and pupil grades, classroom participation, presentations and performances, and projects and portfolios

A minimum of three performance levels is required.

Requires school districts, county offices of education, and charter schools to conduct annual in-service training for teachers in grades K-12 and for classified staff who have contact with students, on the early identification of mental heath issues. 

Requires the State Board of Education to revise, update, and adopt guidelines that school districts must use in the development of teacher evaluation. Requires the updated guidelines to include a determination of a teacher’s overall performance. 

Prohibits a pupil from being assigned two consecutive years to a certified employee who has the primary responsibility of instructing pupils and has received an unsatisfactory performance rating in the most recent evaluation.


 
Requires the governing board of each school district to evaluate and assess certificated employee performance as it reasonably relates to pupil achievement and pupil outcomes. 
Evidence of pupil progress may include written reports from classroom observations and data from any or all of the following:
  1. State-adopted criterion referenced assessments 
  2. District, school, or department-developed assessments 
  3. Curriculum-based and end-of-course assessments 
  4. Pre-test and post-test data 
  5. Interim, periodic, benchmark, and formative assessments 
  6. English language proficiency assessments 
  7. Assessments measuring progress in an individualized education program 
  8. Advance placement, international baccalaureate and college preparedness examinations
  9. A-G coursework completion 
  10. Industry-recognized career technical education assessments and program completion
  11. Portfolios of pupils’ work and projects and of live and recorded pupil performances
  12. Surveys from parents 

A minimum of three performance levels is required.

Requires the Commission on Teacher Credentialing to develop recommendations on a certificated employee evaluation system that is capable of being used by local educational agencies statewide and that contains multiple measures including, but not limited to:
  1. Principal or supervisor observation 
  2. Pupil performance on statewide assessments, including achievement levels and growth
  3. Pupil, parent, and peer surveys, as appropriate  

Requires the commission to submit a report containing those recommendations to the Legislature and the Governor.

States the intent of the Legislature to enact legislation to establish the Topline Teacher Recruitment and Retention Program, under the administration of the Student Aid Commission, which would make funds available to students at public postsecondary educational institutions who have graduated in the top 5% of their secondary school classes and have committed to teaching in public secondary schools for a specified number of years.

Subject to funding in the Budget Act of 2016, requires creation of an instructional video to train school administrators on comprehensive Title IX compliance and a Title IX pupils' rights video designed for pupils and parents. The State Department of Education would apportion funds to a county office of education (selected from applicant county offices of education) that would be the fiduciary agent for the videos.

Establishes the Safe and Supportive Schools Train the Trainer Program. Subject to funding in the Budget Act of 2016, the State Department of Education would apportion funds to a county office of education, designated by the Superintendent of Public Instruction. The designated county office of education would: 
1. Establish specific professional development activities that will lead to statewide professional development support structures and a network of trainers for the development and expansion of:
  • The Schoolwide Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (SW-PBIS) programs 
  • Restorative justice 
  • Social and emotional learning (SEL) 
  • Trauma-informed practice  
  • Cultural competency professional development in each region of the state, with a specific focus on those regions that are underserved and do not have access to trainers in these research-based approaches

2. Consult with the following entities to implement these strategies:
  • The Regional K-12 Student Mental Health Initiative 
  • The National Alliance on Mental Illness 
  • The California Technical Assistance Center on SW-PBIS 
  • The California County Superintendents Educational Services Association  
  • The California Mental Health Directors Association  
  • Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL)  
  • UCSF Healthy Environments and Response to Trauma in Schools (HEARTS) project  
  • Restorative Justice for Oakland Youth  
  • The International Institute for Restorative Practices  
  • Other nonprofit and public agencies

3. Select an advisory committee of stakeholders and professionals who have participated in the development of these programs to assist in planning and implementation.

Requires the governing board of each school district to adopt and implement a locally negotiated best practices teacher evaluation system, described as one in which each teacher is evaluated on a continuing basis on the degree to which he or she accomplishes specific objectives and multiple observations of instructional and other professional practices that are conducted by trained evaluators. The evaluation shall include, but is not limited to, the degree to of accomplishment of the following objectives:
  1. Engages and supports all pupils in learning 
  2. Creates and maintains effective environments for pupil learning, to the extent that those environments are within the teacher’s control
  3. Understands and organizes subject matter for pupil learning 
  4. Plans instruction and designs learning experiences for all pupils 
  5. Uses pupil assessment information to inform instruction and to improve learning 
  6. Develops as a professional educator 
  7. Contributes to pupil academic growth based on multiple measures, as follows: 
  1. State and local formative and summative assessments in the grade levels and subjects that these assessments are administered
  2. Classroom work, local and state academic assessments, and pupil grades, classroom participation, presentations and performances, and projects and portfolios
Legislative Update
Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins (D – San Diego) has announced her committee appointments for the 2015–16 Legislative Session. Below is a list of the committees and their members that will be of particular interest to you. http://www.cetpa.net/advocacy




How Can Teachers Confront the Challenges of Baltimore, Ferguson and Urban America? | John Thompson

How Can Teachers Confront the Challenges of Baltimore, Ferguson and Urban America? | John Thompson:

How Can Teachers Confront the Challenges of Baltimore, Ferguson and Urban America?





 Now that Baltimore has captured our attention, we must all ask what should be doneWhen Work Disappears. Our urban crisis did not begin with deindustrialization; racism, Jim Crow and de facto segregation were the fundamental causes. With the energy crisis of the 1970s, however, the decline of economic opportunity was so rapid that too many families and too much of the social fabric of the inner cities were broken. With the self-segregation of "the Big Sort" and globalization, the bonds that tied schools and communities were further frayed.

These musings are intended only as a first draft of the ideas we need to discuss in order to tackle our urban crisis. First, we must stop making unforced errors and adopting policies that benefit the elites, but create hardships for working class and poor people.
The eventual death of our old blue collar industrial economy may have been unavoidable. But, we did not need to artificially accelerate the loss of jobs by subsidizing it. Under President Ronald Reagan, "Supply Side Economics" created tax breaks that encouraged the closing of still-profitable factories. Had Reaganism not sped up the destruction of blue collar jobs, working families would have had more time to adjust for the challenges of the 21st century global economy.
Similarly, families still would have faced many stresses during deindustrialization, but the Reagan administration created even more havoc through the War on Drugs. The data-driven nature of the War on Drugs made it inevitable that poor families of color would be its prime victims. As David Simon, a Baltimore journalist and an author ofThe Wire explains, Baltimore was one of the worst examples of the "juking" of stats and the corrupting nature of the drug war. As was also explained in The Wire, data-driven school reform undermined the integrity of test scores, and followed the same path in further undermining educational and civic values.
Second, we must unite, not divide. Deindustrialization of the Rust Belt was accelerated by the subsidies that were offered by Sun Belt states. Moreover, White Flight to the suburbs undermined the transition from old-fashioned de juresegregation. Then, during the 1990s, gentrification went hand-and-hand with charters that creamed the most motivated poor students of color and encouraged revitalization of favored parts of our urban centers. Charter schools and the extreme proliferation of choice eventually created self-segregation that has been dubbed "neo-Plessyism."
It is bad enough that society was too quick to abandon promising efforts to achieve socio-economic school integration, but competition-driven reform took bad urban schools and made them worse. Market-driven reform created neighborhood schools that served ever more extreme concentrations of children from generational poverty who have endured terrible trauma. Even worse, test-driven reform undermined efforts to provide aligned and coordinated socio-emotional student supports.
Third, we should remember Jesse Jackson's observation that you must back out of a blind alley the way you drove in. Whether we were forced to or not, Americans followed the corporate road map of "creative destruction," where the government was on the side of the profit-makers who bull-dozed our blue collar economy with no thought to the damage it would do to workers' families.
Then, we went along with the corporate school reform mantra which consciously sought to destroy the education "status quo" in the faith that "disruptive innovation" would rush to the rescue. In destroying the old industrial workplace, however, much How Can Teachers Confront the Challenges of Baltimore, Ferguson and Urban America? | John Thompson:

Tuesday, May 5, 2015

Opting Out Interfering with the “Civil Right” of Testing? | deutsch29

Opting Out Interfering with the “Civil Right” of Testing? | deutsch29:

Opting Out Interfering with the “Civil Right” of Testing?





As I write this post, I have in front of me my permanent education record from kindergarten through eighth grade. It is by way of an unusual set of circumstances that I have this file. The short of it is that the records clerk at the first high school I taught at gave it to me in 1992.
It includes my standardized test scores for grades K, 1, and 4-8.
Yes. I took standardized tests beginning in kindergarten. My first was the Metropolitan Readiness Test, Form B (1973). It assessed my readiness for first grade, in six areas: word meaning, listening, matching, alphabet, numbers, and copying.
My teacher used it to help determine whether I should advance to first grade.
The test was not misused to grade my teacher or school.
None of the other six tests were used to grade my teachers or my school. They were used for diagnostic purposes related to my education.
My tests were not used to make me feel bad about myself by way of expected failure rates publicized in the media. My test results were not manipulated by those who possessed the political power to set any cut scores. There were no cut scores. There was no media hype surrounding my testing. There was no need for my parents to be concerned about my emotional well being due to any punitive consequences that might befall me. I was not worried that my scores could be used to fire my teachers or close my school.
There was no need for my parents to consider opting me out of testing.
Those days do not reflect the testing-pressure-cooker reality of 2015.
The resistance to standardized testing overuse and abuse is alive and well– and growing. One indication of the growing power of the anti-testing movement is the inclusion of an amendment to address the issue of opting out as part of the Senate reauthorization draft of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (ESEA). That amendment basically states that the federal government does not want to be blamed for any state law concerning parental rights to opt their children out of standardized tests.
The Senate ESEA draft keeps the annual testing that was in place in the previous reauthorization, No Child Left Behind (NCLB). However, in the Senate ESEA draft, the federal government wants states to offer the testing while steering clear of any state-Opting Out Interfering with the “Civil Right” of Testing? | deutsch29:

What the PUC Is Going on Here? - Ref Rodriguez:

Ref Rodriguez:

What the PUC Is Going on Here?






 Following the money in local politics is an important way of seeing which people, companies, and organized interests are investing in particular candidates. Closely examining contribution reports often provides insights into who may want to pull the strings of officials who make policy and spending decisions or influence those seeking to win an elected position in which they will make such decisions.

So it’s surprising to look at a contribution report that indicates a campaign may be playing the game of donor influence in reverse. In the contest for L.A. school board, in District 5, charter-school treasurer Ref Rodriguez is challenging former teacher and board member Bennett Kayser for the seat Kayser holds representing Eagle Rock, Highland Park, and several Eastside neighborhoods.
Rodriguez’ campaign disclosure filings with the City of Los Angeles show that several staffers of his charter school, Partnerships to Uplift Communities (PUC), gave small donations in December 2014, before a filing deadline at the end of the year. What is odd and striking about several of the donations is that they come from PUC staffers who first made a very small donation early in the month and then, in the last 3 days of the year, suddenly ponied up the largest donation allowed by campaign ethics laws. Six donated the maximum $1,100. One paid $850.
Did candidate Rodriguez, who serves as treasurer of PUC, exert any influence over who and how much employees of his charter school donated? Or did anyone else at PUC have a hand in this pattern of 7 donations that looks very unusual on its face?
It’s common for workers to give money to a boss who is running for office. Year-end contributions from PUC staffers to Rodriguez are not surprising as gestures of good will.
What is highly irregular about this pattern of donations to Rodriguez, however, is the job category of the PUC employees and the timing of their donations.
A janitor, a tutor, a parent organizer, two maintenance workers, a kitchen manager, and an office manager would not raise eyebrows for donating $25, $50, or even $100 to a candidate, as these seven PUC workers did within days of each other in mid-December 2014.

Rodriguez’ name and PUC financial management practices have come under scrutiny by the inspector general of the Los Angeles Unified School District, which oversees local charter schools.

But for those same workers then to shell out amounts of $1,075, $1,000, $975, and $800 almost immediately thereafter, and so uniformly, during the holiday season, at a time when the costs of gifts or family travel often hit middle-class families in the wallet, is certainly an unusual pattern.
What makes the pattern even more unusual is the fact that Rodriguez’ name and PUC financial management practices have come under scrutiny by the inspector general of the Los Angeles Unified School District, which oversees local charter schools.
An audit of PUC finances and procedures released last week by the district found “numerous fiscal oversight deficiencies” and “budgetary problems” at PUC. The problems were serious enough to risk “creating an environment where the potential for errors, improprieties, or other undesirable outcomes occurring is increased.” The audit determined that PUC was “not in compliance” with “its charter agreement.”
A separate audit involving PUC made headlines in the L.A. Times this past weekend, finding an “apparent conflict of interest” in how the charter-school group awarded a contract for millions of dollars in food service. For the past 5 years, according to the Times, a director at PUC benefited from a deal between PUC and Better 4 You Meals, a company described in PUC’s own documents as “one hundred percent owned” by her.
A little digging by The Times shows that the food-service company made the maximum contributions to Rodriguez’ primary and runoff campaigns, totaling $2,200. The Times report also notes that Rodriguez sits on PUC’s board of directors and “works part-time as its treasurer.”
Is the pattern of unusual end-of-year donations by PUC employees tied to financial “improprieties” at PUC? Were these end-of-year windfalls for Rodriguez’ campaign the earnest and very generous donations of loyal underlings touched by the holiday spirit and digging very deep, all at the same time? Or might PUC have used the names of its employees to mask company resources, or those of other large donors to Rodriguez, to bolster his contribution totals in the end-of-year 2014 report?
Rodriguez is competing in a May 19 runoff. Several of his supporters hope to secure a pro-charter-school majority on L.A.’s school board. When it comes to the unusual pattern of donations to Rodriguez’ campaign, local voters may not get any answers before the election. But in the interest of public integrity, at least the questions should be on the record.Ref Rodriguez:
Hans Johnson and Hector Huezo