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Thursday, December 1, 2016

I, Too, Am a Dangerous Professor if You Covet Ignorance, Hatred | the becoming radical

I, Too, Am a Dangerous Professor if You Covet Ignorance, Hatred | the becoming radical:

I, Too, Am a Dangerous Professor if You Covet Ignorance, Hatred

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We Marxists are rightfully criticized for being idealistic, but we are unfairly demonized by those across the U.S. who wrongly associate Marxism, socialism, and communism with totalitarian governments and human oppression.
You see, Marxism as a scholarly stance is a moral stance—unlike the amoral pose of capitalism.
We Marxist academics and scholars are all about the good, the right, and the equitable—including creating intellectually challenging classrooms in which every student feels physically and psychologically safe.
But this is 2016 Trumplandia, a sort of Bizarro World in which reality TV has become a real-life nightmare, including a professor watch list promoted by an Orwellian right-wing organization that claims to be protecting free speech and academic freedom by identifying dangerous professors.
George Yancy, professor of philosophy at Emory University, has responded with the powerful I Am a Dangerous Professor, and my home state of South Carolina has had three professors included on the list.
The responses to the list have run a range from fear (because professors have received very serious threats) to bemusement to anger about not being included.
I am a white male full professor with tenure, but I teach in the South—where before I joined a university faculty, I was an intellectually closeted public school teacher for 18 stressful years.
As a leftist and atheist, I was constantly vigilant to mask who I was, what I believe and live, because I was fearful of losing my job and career (SC is an Orwellian-named “right to work” state) that I dearly love.
When I interviewed for my current position, I was about as naive and idealistic as a person could be about the golden fields of higher education.
During my model lesson for my day-long interview, I explained to the class I was a critical pedagogue, and thus offering a Marxist perspective on literacy and power.
Later in the day, at the debriefing and in hushed tones, I was told I may want to not share the whole Marxist thing if hired at the university.
I was hired—although my being a critical educator, scholar, and public intellectual have all been problematic throughout my second career as a professor.
And I have bull-headedly remained true to my ethics as both a professor/teacher and a critical pedagogue, best expressed by my dear friend and mentor Joe Kincheloe:
Thus, proponents of critical pedagogy understand that every dimension of schooling and every form of educational practice are politically contested spaces. Shaped by history and challenged by a wide range of interest groups, educational practice is a fuzzy concept as it takes place in numerous settings, is shaped by a plethora of often-invisible forces, and can operate even in the name of democracy and justice to be totalitarian and oppressive. (p. 2)
Recognition of these educational politics suggests that teachers take a position and make it understandable to their students. They do not, however, have the right to impose these positions on their students [emphasis in original]….
In this context it is not the advocates of critical pedagogy who are most often guilty of impositional teaching but many of the mainstream critics themselves. When mainstream opponents of critical pedagogy promote the notion that all language and political behavior that oppose the dominant ideology are forms of indoctrination, they forget how experience is shaped by unequal forms of power. To refuse to name the forces that produce human suffering and exploitation is to take a position that supports oppression and powers that perpetuate it. The argument that any position opposing the actions of dominant power wielders is problematic. It is tantamount to saying that one who admits her oppositional political sentiments and makes them known to students is guilty of indoctrination, while one who hides her consent to dominant power and the status quo it has produced from her students is operating in an objective and neutral manner. Critical pedagogy wants to know who’s indoctrinating whom. (p. 11)
In fact, yesterday in my foundations of education course, I reiterated to the class that as a Marxist I often seem obnoxious, even dogmatic because I teach and speak with a moral imperative, an impassioned moral imperative—seeking that which is right, good, and equitable.
About this watch list, then, I am torn, struggling between embracing Yancy’s brilliant rebuttal and my own belief that I am in fact not the dangerous one because the dangerous thing about this world is to remain both ignorant and without a moral grounding.
As a Marxist educator and scholar/public intellectual, as a critical pedagogue, I am not the person hiding who I am or what I am seeking.
The dishonest are those who claim to be objective when in fact they are endorsing uncritically an inequitable status quo.
The dishonest are those claiming a non-political pose that is itself a political pose.
The dishonest are waving flags and chanting the entirely dishonest “Make America Great Again.”
That is dangerous stuff—endangering the faint promise of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness that I, in fact, hold sacred.
So I am left with this paradox: I, too, am a dangerous professor if you covet ignorance, hatred.
If you are seeking the Truth, however, as well as the right, the good, and the equitable, please call me comrade because I am no danger to you at all.I, Too, Am a Dangerous Professor if You Covet Ignorance, Hatred | the becoming radical:


Why America’s labor unions are about to die

Why America’s labor unions are about to die:

Why America’s labor unions are about to die



 I've written before on how the decline of organized labor beginning in the late 1970s gave birth to the backlash that fueled Donald Trump’s election.
Labor’s deterioration weakened worker protections, kept wages stagnant and caused income inequality to soar to the highest levels in over eight decades. It also made workers feel they needed a savior like Trump.
In other words, his unlikely victory follows a straight line from the defeat of the Labor Reform Act of 1978 to the election of 2016. That bill would have modernized and empowered unions through more effective recognition procedures accompanied by enhanced power in negotiations. Instead, its death by filibuster became the beginning of their end.
It’s a sad twist of irony that Trump’s election and Republican dominance across the country may finally destroy once and for all the institution most responsible for working- and middle-class prosperity. It will likely be a three-punch fight, ending with a fatal blow: the expansion of right-to-work laws across the country that would permanently empty the pockets of labor unions, eroding them of virtually all their collective solidarity.
Trump and Pence met with with local labor leaders and union members in Brook Park, Ohio, in September. (Reuters/Mike Segar)

How we got here

In 1980, union membership density stood at 23 percent of the work force; some 40 years later, just over 11 percent of American workers belong to unions. During the same period, wealth inequality in the U.S. continued to accelerate largely on a social class basis.
White males without college degrees reacted to their ongoing misery in 2016 with a political transformation unrivaled since Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s electoral victory in 1932. The election’s postmortem pundits offered differing explanations for Trump’s victory, including racism, sexism and the ennui of Hillary Clinton supporters.
A popular narrative argues that deteriorating economic conditions provided the fuel for the Trump conflagration as it swept through the former union strongholds of Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin and Ohio.

Three blows for labor

Despite the enthusiasm of his working-class supporters, Trump’s economic policies would bring them a raw deal, not a New Deal. Three key areas will play a crucial role in union diminution and workers’ bargaining power during Trump’s administration, with further declines in real hourly earnings.
The first is regulatory. On his inauguration, Trump has the opportunity to appoint two new members to the National Labor Relations Board now controlled by Obama appointees with administrative discretion to implement pro-labor decisions. With their new majority, Republican appointees will have a smorgasbord of past cases and regulations to repeal and replace. Trump’s future replacements undoubtedly will promote a business-friendly agenda, and the board’s shift in emphasis will be immediately apparent.
The second is the Supreme Court. If Trump fills the vacant seat with someone in the mold of the late Antonin Scalia, the new court will likely uphold what in my view is the rickety constitutional theory of union dues put forth by Samuel Alito in Knox v. SEIU. Alito’s rule holds that public sector union members have a constitutional right to decline dues payments unless they consent to do so. Or, in Alito’s words, dues payers will be deemed to “opt out” of dues unless they “opt in.”
In early 2016, the Friedrichs v. California Teachers Association case, which would have mandated a constitutional right-to-work rule, stalled out with Scalia’s demise, but a similar case is moving through the lower federal court system that raises the matter once more. The litigation will eventually work its way back to the Supreme Court, and the new Trump justice can affirm the undoing of public sector union dues.
The third and most lethal blow against unions, along with board and court hostility, is the expansion of right-to-work laws as a by-product of Trump’s victory.
Trump ran on a platform of making America great again by restoring incomes through innovation and deregulation.
A group of union members and supporters protested the passage of right-to-work legislation in Michigan in 2013. (Reuters/Rebecca Cook)

The road ahead for right to work

Trump’s plan meshes perfectly with the ideology of right to work, which promotes itself as a tool of development and economic advancement, even though recent evidence shows the claim is dubious.
Twenty-six states have now enacted right-to-work laws, which forbid compulsory payment of union dues by workers who are covered under a collective bargaining agreement. Among other adverse consequences, the laws create a free-rider problembecause under the exclusive representation doctrine, employees who do not pay dues must still receive the same wages, benefits and protections as those who do.
Republicans in the past election won a legislative trifecta in the states of Missouri, Kentucky, Ohio and New Hampshire. Those states are presently not right-to-work, but such conditions will not long stand.
In Missouri, Republicans legislators said they expect to pass a right-to-work law that bars mandatory union fees early in 2017, and the incoming GOP governor says he will sign it.
Legislators in Kentucky followed a slightly different route by focusing on county rather than statewide legislation. Their gambit paid off in November when a federal appeals court upheld the validity of a county right-to-work law. Expect the entire state to adopt the policy soon.
New Hampshire has traditionally followed the principle of collective security and defeated right-to-work initiatives in 2011 and 2015. But with the election of a Republican governor and legislature, the issue could prevail, which would make the Granite State the first in New England to institute right to work.
And in Ohio, a Republican legislator introduced a bill in April to ban compulsory dues payments, declaring: “Over the past three-quarters of a century, unions have become the ultimate zombies.” While Governor John Kasich is not enthusiastic about right to work, he could yield to political reality if the bill passes.
Clearly, right-to-work supporters have seized the initiative and are marching on the offensive. With enough political momentum, the battle for right to work could soon migrate to the federal level, where a national right-to-work bill is pending in Congress. Republicans have the votes to pass it in the House. In theory, it could face a filibuster in the Senate, but as a practical matter, the legislative dumpster fire during Trump’s first year will burn so hot and bright that right to work may become an early casualty in the battle for Democrats’ political survival.

How will it all end?

Since the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, class forces in this country have fought for supremacy over the political and economic machinery as Republicans attempted to roll back the consequences of the New Deal legislative revolution. Right to work figures importantly in the struggle between labor and capital.
As I show in my book on the subject, right-to-work laws are statistically correlated with lower rates of union membership, lower levels of human development, lower per capita incomes, lower levels of trust and less progressive tax schemes. In short, the empire of right to work leans toward further entrenching the power of corporations, not the economic emancipation of American wage earners.
The voters who brought Trump to the big dance would be the ones who suffer when he leaves with his wealthy and glamorous friends. As an article in Fortune suggests, Trump’s plan for deportations and broken trade agreements will inflict serious injury on the economy in general and in particular on those industrial sectors that elected him. The rest of us will be collateral damage.
The Conversation
By Raymond Hogler, Professor of Management, Colorado State University
This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.Why America’s labor unions are about to die:
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Charter School Failure (The Schools, Not The Kids) | The Huffington Post

Charter School Failure (The Schools, Not The Kids) | The Huffington Post:

Charter School Failure (The Schools, Not The Kids) 

Reeces Pieces
Reeces Pieces
@ReecesPieces8

President-elect Donald “Hardly-a-Landslide” Trump and nominee for Secretary of the federal Department of Education, Betsy “Voucher Queen” DeVos, are championing vouchers and charter schools as ways to dismantle public education, subsidize private and religious schools, provide a financial windfall to shady edu-businesses, break teacher unions, and support segregation academies.
To people who say give Trump and his legions a chance, if their plans are realized, the public school system, a hallmark of democracy in the United States, may never be rebuilt. Once broken, all the king’s horses and all the king’s men will not be able to put Humpty-Dumpty together again.
In November, I participated in a community forum at Medgar Evers College-CUNY in Brooklyn discussing why the NAACP called for a freeze on new charter schools. Defense of the NAACP position on charter schools becomes even more urgent as Trump and DeVos prepare to dismantle public education.
Panelists included long-time education activist Dr. Sam AndersonDr. Maria DeLongoria, an Associate Professor of History at Medgar Evers, and Fatima Geidi, a member of a parents’ group challenging the way the Success Academy Charter School Network treated her son and other Black and Latino children.
In his introductory remarks, Dr. Anderson declared, “privatization, whether of prisons, healthcare, social security, or education has been shown to be a pro-business gimmick that is against the broader public interest.” He argued, “many Black and Latino charter school parents are well meaning but the unwitting pawns of the charter school operators.”
Fatima Geidi recounted frustrations battling with the Success Charter School Network as they refused to provide needed educational services for her son and tried to drive him out of the school. “They suspended him the second week of school because he did not walk right, made too much noise.” He was suspended repeatedly for the three years he was in the school and she was constantly told to pick him up early or keep him home. She charged he was a “broken child” as a result of his experience in Success Academy.
In my presentation, I argued that if charter schools were the solution to unequal education and poor academic performance in many inner-city minority schools, the United States would be irresponsible not to vastly expand the number of charter schools immediately, which incidentally is Donald Trump’s proposal.
But when we look closely, while some individual charter schools perform well, charter schools overall are not a miracle solution to educational inequality and certainly not for inner-city poverty. Far too many Black and Latino children are left behind when better performing students from minority communities are skimmed out of traditional public schools and troubled or more difficult students are warehoused there. Meanwhile many of the children who end up in for-profit charters or questionable non-profit networks are just prepped for tests to make the charter management look good. They too are cheated out of their right to an education that prepares them for college, careers, and citizenship.
I do not criticize individual families for making the best choice for their children when the options are not always good ones. But I support the NAACP’s call for a freeze on the expansion of charter schools while the United States figures out what is the best option for educating all of its children. Existing charters, especially the networks with multiple schools, must be highly regulated. For-profits companies should be barred from running schools. Education should never be a business.
Last month, in its Sunday Review opinion pages the New York Times highlighted a Boston charter school it claimed was exemplary and a model for the future of education in the United States. Based on the article, it seemed like a good school, but is it a model or simply an oasis?
I have visited charter schools I like in New York City. I have also visited some very bad ones. There are about 100,000 public schools in the United States and many of them are also very good. Focusing on one school does not prove that an educational system is working or that charter schools will transform minority education in the United States.
The following week, on its sports pages, the Times skirted around a different kind of charter school it apparently preferred to ignore. Terrance Ferguson is an eighteen-year old from Texas playing basketball in Australia while waiting for his chance to play in the NBA. The front page of Sports Sunday highlighted his journey. In Australia, Ferguson receives housing, use of a car and gets paid to play. In the article he bragged how because of an endorsement deal he even gets free underwear.
The opening paragraph of the article described Ferguson as a “recent graduate of a charter school in Dallas.” Buried on page 7 in paragraph 17 readers learn that Ferguson started out attending Prime Prep Academy. That charter school, founded by NFL and major league baseball player Deon Sanders, was closed because of academic and financial irregularities. Ferguson and his coach transferred to another charter school in Dallas, Advanced Preparatory International. API is under investigation by the NCAA as a sports factory, but apparently not by Dallas, Texas education officials, or the New York Times.
API opened in September 2015 and despite having only fifty students, it immediately became a high school basketball superpower by recruiting the former PPA coach, Ferguson, and one of the team’s other stars, a high school basketball player imported from California.

Ferguson and his teammates may end up in the NBA with multiple-million dollar contracts, but more likely, they are one knee injury, one drug or police episode, or one attitude problem away from economic disaster without any other skills to fall back on. It is estimated that only 3 out of 10,000 high school basketball players make it to the NBA. The number of successful high school basketball players in the United States who made it big in the NBA without going to college can probably be counted on one hand (Kevin Garnett, Kobe Bryant, LeBron James, and Dwayne Howard). According to a 2009 article in Sports Illustrated, 60% of NBA players are broke within five years of retirement.
Meanwhile charter school failures are too numerous to ignore and the number keeps mounting. In February 2016 the New York City Department of Education announced it was closing four charter schools, Beginning with Children Charter School, Fahari Academy Charter School, and Lefferts Gardens Charter School in Brooklyn and Staten Island Community Charter School. Detroit closed three charter schools and forced two to merge this school year. In Los Angeles, Allen Academy, one of the larger charters, was shut down because of poor academic performance. World Communications and Imani Education Charter School in Philadelphia are either closed or closing. Charters were also closed in Pinellas County, Florida, Chicago, Memphis, and Mesa, Arizona.
In Texas, 143 charter schools have closed since the program began in 1998. Michigan closed 122 of its academies during the charter school era. According to a federal report, between 2000 and 2014 2,378 charter schools were closed in the United States displacing tens of thousands of primarily Black and Latino students.
Other studies show that charter schools often have higher dropout rates than traditional public schools. Many have little or no impact on student test scores, a statistically insignificant impact on the earnings of their graduates, and illegally prevent students from enrolling or remaining at their schools. Many others charter schools are considered hyper-segregated with at least a 90 percent minority population. 

These are more than enough reasons to support the NAACP call for a freeze on charter school expansion and oppose the Trump/DeVos agenda.
Eva Moskowitz, Success Academy CEO enlisted the rapper Common to entertain pro-charter forces at a recent Brooklyn rally. I ended the evening by dedicating a rap to Fatima and her son, delivered as my hip-hop alter-ego Reeces Pieces.
Black girl and boy
Ain’t their toy
Charters annoy
That’s their ploy
Kids must bend
Or they suspend
Not our friend
That’s the trend.
Schools that fail
On charter rail
An empty pail
For balance scale.
Stop the funds
End their runs
Protect our sons
Demand refunds.
Charter school hoax
Controversy provokes
But community stokes
Til license revokes
When charter fleeces
Inequality increases
Cancel their leases
So says Reeces Pieces
The community forum was sponsored by the Independent Commission on Public Education (ICOPE), Coalition for Public Education (CPE), and Community Development of Medgar Evers College. The Network for Public Education has an online letter writing campaign pressuring United States Senators to block DeVos’ appointment. Click here to sign. I will be joining the January 21, 2017 Women’s March on Washington. My poster will read “Defend Public Education - Stop Trump and DeVos.” I hope to see everybody there.
 Charter School Failure (The Schools, Not The Kids) | The Huffington Post:

Ex-charter school chief gets $215K after resigning in wake of spending controversy

Ex-charter school chief gets $215K after resigning in wake of spending controversy:

Ex-charter school chief gets $215K after resigning in wake of spending controversy


WOODLAND HILLS >> Former El Camino Real Charter High School principal David Fehte, who resigned in October after becoming embroiled in a credit card-spending controversy, will be receiving $215,000 for his sudden departure under an arrangement with the school’s governing board, the Daily News has learned.
The El Camino Real Alliance board voted on Nov. 16 to execute an “early termination without cause” provision that was in Fehte’s employment contract, which states the board can unilaterally and without cause or advance notice terminate his contract but “shall pay to the employee the equivalent of twelve months of gross base salary,” according to Janelle A. Ruley, an attorney who represents the board, and the contract. The provision will become effective starting Dec. 16.
“We had extensive discussions with our legal department and this is the way we felt was the best opportunity we had to move ahead,” board member Scott Silverstein said Wednesday.
Fehte, who had served at the helm of the independent charter school since 2011, agreed to resign as part of a last-minute deal struck with the Los Angeles Unified School District in order to halt revocation proceedings over alleged “fiscal mismanagement,” which school administrators denied, and lax board oversight, among other issues.
LAUSD Superintendent Michelle King announced the memorandum of understanding on Oct. 18 nearly two weeks after El Camino board members announced the upcoming departure of the school’s chief business officer Marshall Mayotte under the threat of revocation — and a planned pay cut and shortened contract term for Fehte. Mayotte is due to leave his post next month.
Parent Marlene Widawer, a vocal Fehte critic, said she was “a little appalled at the amount” Fehte will receive and said she would have liked to hear some sort of acknowledgement of wrongdoing in his departure arrangement.
“I would have preferred there would have been something more punitive in terms of his release but if this just makes him go away into the sunset, then I understand it,” Widawer said.
School officials have said Fehte has reimbursed the school for more than $6,000 in “inadvertent personal” expenses charged on his school-issued American Express card over the last several years. But Fehte, who could not be reached Wednesday, has publicly denied doing anything wrong.
Parent Erin Sanchez, a vocal supporter of Fehte, said she is fine with the amount he will be getting and feels he should not have been pressured to resign in the first place.
“My feeling on Dave was that he stepped down to save our charter — that’s the bottom line,” she said.
Following a Daily News investigation published in May, district staffers alleged in August “numerous seemingly exorbitant personal and/or improper expenses” were charged by school administrators and processed without scrutiny from November, 2013 to December, 2015. School administrators said the vast majority of the expenses were for legitimate business purposes.
Fehte’s contract also stipulated that he could be terminated “with cause” in several instances, including breach of his contract agreement and for any grounds enumerated in the employee handbook. The board would have had to first serve a written statement of the grounds of termination and then serve it upon the employee, according to the contract.
Meanwhile, the school continues to scramble to meet all of LAUSD’s demands, including replacing five El Camino board members and adding two more for a total of nine.
In a special meeting Wednesday, the board appointed a new member, Julie Kornack, director of public policy at the Center for Autism and Related Disorders, to serve as a community representative. The board also installed Steve Cohen, owner of West Hills Pizza, to be the parent representative and Steven Kofahl to be the teacher representative following elections. Robert Weinberg, a representative selected by LAUSD who formerly served as the principal at Sherman Oaks Center for Enriched Studies, was also installed.
Two more community representatives will be selected in December and another representing classified staff, which excludes teachers, will be elected in January. Those interested in applying for these volunteer positions should look for the application on the school’s website as early as Friday, said Melanie Horton, the school’s director of business.Ex-charter school chief gets $215K after resigning in wake of spending controversy: