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Sunday, September 25, 2016

Clinton's plan to Save Public Education / Trump's Plan to Destroy It | 89.3 KPCC

Hillary Clinton's plan for America's students | 89.3 KPCC:

Clinton's plan to Save Public Education / Trump's Plan to Destroy It


Hillary Clinton's plan for America's students

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For nearly as long as she's been in the public eye, Hillary Clinton has counted the well-being of children among her defining causes — from the bestselling 1996 book (and enduring cliche) It Takes A Village to her advocacy for the State Child Health Insurance Program. This presidential campaign has been no exception, except if anything, she's been working even harder to draw connections between investments in education and economic growth. Here's a rundown of her positions from cradle to college.
Early Childhood
Clinton has made childcare and early childhood education a key plank of her campaign, including:
She also has proposals to lower the cost of childcare for families, and particularly for parents who are also college students.
She hasn't talked a lot about how she would pay for these proposals, which theCommittee for a Responsible Federal Budget estimates could cost up to half a trillion dollars.
Higher Education
"Free college" was a major rallying cry for Clinton's primary opponent, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders. At the Democratic Convention, Sanders gave a speech endorsing Clinton, in which he said:
" ... We have come together on a proposal that will revolutionize higher education in America. It will guarantee that the children of any family [in] this country with an annual income of $125,000 a year or less — 83 percent of our population — will be able to go to a public college or university tuition-free. That proposal also substantially reduces student debt."
Clinton has also proposed a three-month moratorium on all student debt payments. If you're an entrepreneur, the freeze could be extended up to three years. And she's backed universal free community college.
Taken together, the CRFB estimates these proposals could cost another half- trillion dollars if phased in over four years.
K-12 Schools
Clinton talks less about the details of her K-12 education proposals than she does about either higher ed or early childhood — maybe because there's a wider range of opinions among Democrats about the best ways to improve public education.
On her website, she calls for "a campaign to elevate and modernize the teaching profession." On the stump, she's said, "I respect teachers and educators – and I want to give them the support they need to do the job we ask."
Clinton's platform calls for:
It's also worth noting that, at the Democratic National Convention where Clinton was nominated, the party adopted significant changes to its education platform:
  • Support for the right of parents to opt their children out of standardized tests.
  • Opposition to "high stakes standardized tests" used to close schools, withhold funding, or to evaluate teachers.
  • Moderated support for charter schools, insisting that they be "democratically governed" and that they not displace neighborhood schools.
All of these changes were perceived as union-friendly and cut somewhat against the grain of President Obama's education policy. In particular, his Race to the Top initiative explicitly encouraged states to use test scores in teacher evaluations, an approach that's been extremely unpopular with teachers' unions and has also drawn the ire of measurement experts at the American Statistical Association.
It's unclear how these party positions might translate into policy under a Clinton administration.
What we do know is that she was endorsed relatively early, last July, by the American Federation of Teachers. Both Randi Weingarten, head of the AFT, and Lily Eskelsen-Garcia, the head of the other large education union, the National Education Association, have been full-throated Clinton surrogates.
Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/. Hillary Clinton's plan for America's students | 89.3 KPCC:

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 "I'm a tremendous believer in education."

So begins a campaign ad for Republican presidential nominee Donald J. Trump.
But what does that mean?
What does Trump believe about how we should fund and fix our schools, train and pay our teachers, and, most importantly, educate every child whether they're rich or poor, fluent in English or anything but, learning disabled or two grades ahead?
To these questions the candidate has offered few clear answers.
"Donald Trump's policy positions are performance art." That criticism comes not from the left but from Rick Hess, who studies education policy at the right-leaningAmerican Enterprise Institute. And, Hess says, "it is an immense mistake to take any of it all that seriously."
Hoping to flesh out Trump's education ideas ahead of tomorrow's big presidential debate, we asked his campaign for help. They never got back to us.
We also reached out to the two men who, as reported by Education Week, have been named to the candidate's presidential transition team for education. Both said they could not talk without permission from the Trump campaign, permission that was not granted.
And so, in trying to get a picture of his education platform, we're left mostly with the candidate's own words.
Let's start with the rest of that campaign ad:
Local Control
"I'm a tremendous believer in education. But education has to be at a local level," Trump says from his leather office chair, looking directly into the camera. "We cannot have the bureaucrats in Washington telling you how to manage your child's education."
This is a common theme for Trump: Washington needs to butt out of our schools.
"There's no failed policy more in need of urgent change than our government-run education monopoly," he said earlier this month at a campaign stop in Cleveland.
In this story line, schools are the business of the local community — of the district — and the U.S. Department of Education is Public Enemy No. 1, pushing down onerous rules that make life harder for educators, students and parents.
While this may sound more like a feeling than a policy position, stay tuned:
On Oct. 18, 2015, Trump told "Fox News Sunday" host Chris Wallace that, if elected President, he would consider cutting the Education Department entirely.
That would be a profound policy shift from past presidents and one worth reckoning with briefly here.
It's not clear if Trump, in cutting the Department, would also cut the services that it provides, but, since his conversation with Wallace was in the context of broader spending cuts it's reasonable to assume he would.
Those services include providing roughly $15 billion in Title I funds to help schools that educate at-risk students, more than $12 billion for students with special needs, and some $29 billion in Pell Grants to help low-income students pay for college (all according to 2016 Congressional appropriations).
Common Core
On February 10, 2016, Trump tweeted: "I have been consistent in my opposition to Common Core. Get rid of Common Core — keep education local!"
In that campaign ad on his website, Trump is even more colorful: "Common Core is a total disaster. We can't let it continue."
The Common Core are learning standards in math and English language arts that were developed through a collaboration between the National Governors Association and the Council of Chief State School Officers. According to the Core's website, they're being used in 42 states and the District of Columbia.
Trump's loathing for the Core needs unpacking — because you have to understand how the standards were created to understand how schools can be "rid of" them.
The Core were adopted by states at the state level. There was no top-down vote from Congress, no presidential signature. Yes, President Obama and his Education Department dangled money in front of states who agreed to do many things, including adopt rigorous new standards. But Washington could not, and did not, force the Core on states. As such, if states want to repeal the standards, they can and have. But a President Trump ... couldn't.
Besides, if he tried, it might feel an awful lot like "the bureaucrats in Washington telling you how to manage your child's education."
School Choice
Earlier this month, in Cleveland, Trump unveiled perhaps the most specific education proposal of his campaign.
"As president, I will establish the national goal of providing school choice to every American child living in poverty," Trump said. "If we can put a man on the moon, dig out the Panama Canal and win two world wars, then I have no doubt that we as a nation can provide school choice to every disadvantaged child in America."
The plan would involve a $20 billion government investment, "reprioritizing existing federal dollars." The money would go to states as block grants and follow disadvantaged students wherever they go: to a traditional public school in their neighborhood or elsewhere, a charter school or even a private school.
While Trump made clear the $20 billion would not be new money, he did not say where he would find that much old money to reprioritize.
This idea, known as portability, is popular in conservative circles because, it is assumed, the competition that comes with choice would force struggling public schools to improve or close. But it worries many student advocates because, they say, it would also drain money from the schools that need it most and send taxpayer dollars to well-resourced private schools.
Higher Education
As with K-12, Trump has said little in detail about planned policies for higher education.
In May, a senior Trump policy advisor, Sam Clovis, did tell Inside Higher Ed that a Trump administration would work to get the government out of the student loan business and restore lending to private banks. The debt issue has gotten a fair amount of attention, as we've covered herehere and here, among other stories.
"We think it (student loans) should be marketplace and market driven," Clovis told Inside Higher Ed. He also said Trump rejects President Obama's proposals to make community college free for new high school graduates.
Would a push to privatize student lending work?
"I just don't think that's realistic," says Eric Hanushek, a Senior Fellow at theHoover Institution, a conservative-leaning think tank at Stanford University. The government has historically played a key lending role and is likely to continue, Hanushek says. "Private lenders are not about to enter into that market sufficiently to make loans to all students. It would be wise not to get the government out of student loans altogether."
The basic mechanics of implementing that kind of public-to-private switch, saysDeborah Seymour with the American Council on Education, "would require such a complicated plan that making that happen might take longer than he's probably currently projecting."
Hanushek adds that many of Trump's statements on education and other topics "are vague, and you could interpret them in many ways."
Child Care
Finally, Trump's take on childcare. The pitch, on his website, tells us what most parents know all-too-well: "Raising a child is now the single greatest expense for most American families — even exceeding the cost of housing in much of the country."
What would President Trump do about that?
He's proposed making all childcare costs tax-deductible for kids up to 13 years old — and for up to four children per household. Deductions would be limited to a state's average childcare cost and to families earning less than $500,000 a year.
Returning to a common theme for Trump — choice — the proposal would cover "a variety of different kinds of childcare—institutional, private, nursery school, afterschool care, and enrichment activities."
Trump's proposal, which he unveiled earlier this month, would also provide six weeks of unemployment benefits to all new mothers. While states cap those benefits, the proposal would be an improvement for many new moms and a big change from current federal policy (which pays them nothing). That said, the plan did raise eyebrows for one word conspicuously missing: Dads.
A lot to digest — but still surprisingly few classroom specifics.
Both candidates, Eric Hanushek says, have largely side-stepped specifics about K-12 education. Clinton talks about universal pre-K and Trump a little about student loans, he says, "but there's this gaping hole in the middle called K-12 education." It's troubling, Hanushek says, as education is "second only to national security" in national importance.
Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.Donald Trump's plan for America's schools



Diane Ravitch's blog | A site to discuss better education for all

Diane Ravitch's blog | A site to discuss better education for all:

Diane Ravitch's blog | A site to discuss better education for all

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Leonie Haimson: How DFER Hijacked Public Education
This post was written in 2014, but it remains relevant today. DFER (Democrats for Education Reform) raises large sums of money from hedge fund managers to promote charter schools. The free market has been very good to hedge fund managers, and they think that public schools should compete in a free market too. They are not in the game to make money, but to promote their ideology of free-market com
The Tyranny of Philanthrocapitalism
Antonio Olmedo writes here about the new undemocratic, unaccountable Philanthrocapitalism, as embodied by the Gates Foundation: In 2008, in their Ode to philanthrocapitalism, Bishop and Green claimed that philanthrocapitalists are “hyperagents who have the capacity to do some essential things far better than anyone else”. Apparently, the fact that they “do not face elections every few years, like
Massachusetts: Billionaires Ready to Pour Up to $18 Million into Charter Referendum
Jonathan Pelto reports on the big money that will flow into the Massachusetts referendum on expanding charters. Most of it will flow from the coffers of hedge fund managers, who never showed any prior interest in improving public schools but get excited by the opportunity to privatize them. He writes: A group of billionaires and corporate executives are using a front group called Great Schools Ma
California: Charter Schools Fight for Access to Bond Funds
The Bond Buyer reports that charter schools in California are seeking access to bonds for school construction, putting them into direct competition with public schools for the same money. Public schools have the advantage of stability and longevity; charter schools come and go with frequency. Public schools have higher bond rating than charter schools. Caprice Young, quoted in the article below,
Laura Chapman Explains the Flaws of SLOs (Student Learning Objectives)
Our valued reader Laura Chapman had a long career as a teacher, curriculum developer, and consultant in the arts. It is always a pleasure to post one of her careful essays. A teacher from Hawaii recently wrote to ask if she could read 
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Diane Ravitch's blog | A site to discuss better education for all:

Schools Matter: How Unions Came to Support ESSA

Schools Matter: How Unions Came to Support ESSA:

Schools Matter: How Unions Came to Support ESSA



We know that much of the rationale for the NEA/AFT/NPE support of ESSA comes from the need to support the Clinton agenda, which is, of course, the Gates agenda, the Broad agenda, etc.  

But long before Hillary became Wall Street's most recent neolib darling, however, there were other reasons for AFT/NEA support for corporate education support that had to do, specifically, with The Union Reform Network's (TURN's) corporate cancer that is metastasizing inside the "teachers' unions."  

The pages below are from this document written by an associate prof and a doctoral student at Rutgers, who were paid by the Gates Foundation for their propaganda.  Of course, look for the stars on the Acknowlegement page to see who else is thanked.

If you have any inkling that the TURN cancer is spreading in your state or town, please contact me.  I am doing some research that is not sponsored by the Gates Foundation.  It is not sponsored at all.
Schools Matter: How Unions Came to Support ESSA:




The Tyranny of Philanthrocapitalism | Diane Ravitch's blog

The Tyranny of Philanthrocapitalism | Diane Ravitch's blog:
The Tyranny of Philanthrocapitalism


Antonio Olmedo writes here about the new undemocratic, unaccountable Philanthrocapitalism, as embodied by the Gates Foundation:

In 2008, in their Ode to philanthrocapitalism, Bishop and Green claimed that philanthrocapitalists are “hyperagents who have the capacity to do some essential things far better than anyone else”. Apparently, the fact that they “do not face elections every few years, like politicians, or suffer the tyranny of shareholder demands for ever-increasing quarterly profits, like CEOs of most private companies” or that they do not have to devote “vast amounts of time and resources to raising money, like most heads of NGOs”, situates them in a privileged position to “think long term”, to go “against conventional wisdom”, to take up ideas “too risky for government” and to deploy “substantial resources quickly when the situation demands it”. These new super agents can solve the problems of the world, and do it fast, cleanly, and absolutely.
Behind Bishop and Green’s philanthrocapitalim, Bill Gates’ creative capitalism, and David Cameron’s Big Society, which are closely related conceptions, is a new relation of ‘giving’ and enacting policy. This relation is based on a more direct involvement of givers in policy communities, that is a more ‘hands on’ approach to the use of donations. In previous writings we have referred to this new political landscape as philanthropic governance, that is the ways in which, through their philanthropic action, these actors are able to modify meanings, mobilise assets, generate new policy technologies and exert pressure on, or even decide, the direction of policy in specific contexts.
Democratic deficit
The problem here, or the problem for some of us, is that the claims and practices of new philanthropy are premised on the residualisation of established methods and traditions of democracy. They see no need to respond to or be accountable for their philanthropic investments to anyone else but themselves. This is what Horne indicates when he claimed that new philanthropists operate in a ‘para-political sphere’[1] within which they can develop their own policy agenda untrammelled by the vicissitudes of politics. What we are facing here is more than just givers who ‘vote with their dollars’[2]. As Parmar puts it: “the foundation-state relationship, therefore, is not a conspiracy – it may be quite secretive and operate behind the scenes, but it is not criminal enterprise. It is, however, strongly undemocratic, because it privileges the right people, usually those with the right social backgrounds and/or attitudes”. The direct involvement of new philanthropists in the para-political sphere enables “some individuals to act as their own private governments, whose power can be used to challenge that of the state and force it to re-examine its priorities and policies”
Gambling with children’s future
Essentially this is a simplification of policy, a cutting out of the messy compromises, dissensus and accommodations that attend ‘normal’ policymaking. But perhaps change is less simple than it seems initially from the perspective of great wealth! In a recent public letter from of Sue Desmond-Hellmann, CEO of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, there is a frank recognition that single-mindedness and a deliberate circumvention of traditional policy actors may not actually be constructive or effective in getting change done.
“… we’re facing the fact that it is a real struggle to make system-wide change.The Tyranny of Philanthrocapitalism | Diane Ravitch's blog:



Russ on Reading: Teaching Struggling Readers: Focus on Meaning

Russ on Reading: Teaching Struggling Readers: Focus on Meaning:

Teaching Struggling Readers: Focus on Meaning

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Russ Walsh 

Why do we read? Of course, you will say we read for pleasure and we read for information and perhaps even we read to become better writers and thinkers. In order to enjoy and learn from reading we must make sense of the words on the printed page. This is true of all readers. The driver behind all reading activities is meaning.

Struggling readers have difficulty accessing meaning. This difficulty can lead to a cascading accumulation of reading difficulties. Kids who have difficulty making sense of what they read, read less. When they read with the teacher, they are more likely to be interrupted than skilled readers and so they read less. When children read less, they get less chance to develop the decoding abilities, vocabulary knowledge, syntactic understanding and content richness that good readers need.

Reading researcher, Keith Stanovitch has called this, "Matthew Effects in Reading", the idea that in reading the rich get richer and the poor get poorer, mainly due to differentiated exposure to text. Motivational issues then compound the problem. When you are not good at something, you tend to avoid it. Children who are not good at reading read less.

Stanovitch and others have identified one primary cause of reading difficulty - phonological processing. Children with  phonological processing problems have difficulty decoding words - breaking words down to their 
Russ on Reading: Teaching Struggling Readers: Focus on Meaning:



Broad, Walton, and Their LA-based Nonprofit, Great Public Schools Now | deutsch29

Broad, Walton, and Their LA-based Nonprofit, Great Public Schools Now | deutsch29:

Broad, Walton, and Their LA-based Nonprofit, Great Public Schools Now



Los Angeles is the focus of a major billionaire-funded, astroturf effort to expand the charter sector. And where there is a major market-driven reform push, a new, billionaire-funded nonprofit is often on the horizon. So it is with the 2015-created nonprofit, Great Public Schools Now (EIN 47-4962715, which was actually granted nonprofit status in February 2016). As Los Angeles Times‘ Howard Blume reported in November 2015:
The new organization, called Great Public Schools Now, is based in Los Angeles and will take the next steps in a plan that initially was spearheaded by the Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation. A draft of that proposal, dated in June, called for raising $490 million to enroll half the students in the L.A. Unified School District [in successful charters and other high-quality public schools] over the next eight years.
The nonprofit will be run by two executives from ExED, a local company that specializes in helping charter schools manage their business operations. Former banker William E.B. Siart will chair the governing board; Anita Landecker will serve as interim executive director.
Blume continues the Great Public Schools Now story in June 2016, and he notes a suspicious shift in the kinds of schools the Broad-Walton-funded group supposedly wants to expand:
A controversial group that began with the mission of rapidly expanding charter schools in Los Angeles has named its board of directors, come out with a plan and publicly defined its mission as supporting new, successful public schools of any kind.
The board for Great Public Schools Now mostly includes faces and groups that are familiar in the education reform wars of L.A., including representatives from the Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation and the Walton Family Foundation.
The chair of the nonprofit is retired banker Bill Siart, the only board member who had been previously announced. …
Nearly all the other board members are widely regarded as pro-charter, even though their backgrounds are diverse. …
The group’s glossy, 16-page plan identifies 10 low-income, low-achievement neighborhoods as areas of focus. Clustered in the east San Fernando Valley and south and east of downtown, they include Boyle Heights, Pacoima and South Gate.
Although the plan is short on specifics, the group plans to announce its first grants Thursday. They could help schools in the targeted areas in a variety of ways. …
The newly released plan differs substantially from a draft obtained last year by The Times. That draft, which was not intended for public release, harshly criticized L.A. Unified and identified charter schools as the path forward, with the goal of moving half of district students into charters over eight years. The draft appeared to have been prepared to give to potential funders.
Critics probably will continue to view that draft as the real blueprint and the document released this week as public relations.  …
Timed with the release of its plan, Great Public Schools Now will launch a six-figure TV and print campaign, including ads in the L.A. Times.  …
While insisting that its focus will be on all schools, not charters alone, the group isn’t disclosing all pertinent details. It declined this week to provide information on its funders and how much money they are providing.
According to its website, Great Public Schools Now has a seven-member board anda three-member team. The board includes Walton Foundation K12 education program director, Mark Sternberg, and Broad Foundation executive director, Gregory 
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As American Education Collapses, Democracy’s Foundation Shakes - The Daily Beast

As American Education Collapses, Democracy’s Foundation Shakes - The Daily Beast:

As American Education Collapses, Democracy’s Foundation Shakes

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And we are here as on a darkling plain
Swept with confused alarms of struggle and flight,
Where ignorant armies clash by night.
Deeply depressed by the rise of Donald Trump and fearful for our nation’s future, I recently found myself reciting the last lines of Matthew Arnold’s ‘Dover Beach,’ first published in 1861. Arnold was somewhat premature in imagining the world’s descent into chaos and strife. But the poem’s chilling metaphors return to us now as an augury of America’s political crack-up.
What makes the poem even more illuminating for these dreadful times is that Arnold was convinced that the clash of “ignorant armies” would be brought about (at least in part) by bad education. In addition to his standing as one of Victorian Britain’s greatest poets and cultural critics, Arnold was also a serious education reformer. For 35 years he held a day job as an inspector of schools, eventually rising to the position of Chief Inspector of Schools for all of Britain. He went on extended visits to several European countries to study their education systems. In his influential education reports and in some of his critical essays he scorned the individualistic, child centered, and haphazard pedagogy prevalent in British schools at the time (championed by, among others, John Stuart Mill.) Instead, Arnold proposed that government schools be required to teach a core curriculum of liberal, humanistic studies similar to the French schools he had come to admire.
The primary aim of education in an industrial democracy, Arnold believed, was to introduce all children—rich and poor alike —to the achievements of western civilization and culture, which he famously defined as “the best which has been said and thought.” Yet there was nothing elitist about Arnold’s approach to learning. With the rising demands for equality and full civic participation of the working classes, Arnold was confident that the masses were capable of mastering Britain’s rich cultural heritage. He feared that without this shared national spirit the English people would be unable to overcome narrow sectional and economic interests and support the common good. Modern democracy might then degenerate into violence, confusion and the clash of “ignorant armies.”
The political problem that Arnold wrestled with all his life now haunts America. Truth is the first casualty of this year’s presidential election from hell; loss of respect for the nation’s republican heritage is the second. Here’s one example among many:
At a raucous campaign rally in South Carolina last February Donald Trump was riffing on one of his favorite themes—how he would defeat Islamic terrorism overnight if elected president. In that context he brought up General Jack Pershing’s success in suppressing the 1903 Moro rebellion in the Philippines. But Trump falsely claimed that Pershing ordered the execution of dozens of Muslim prisoners with bullets dipped in pig’s blood, thereby slandering a great American soldier as a war criminal. Trump’s story was subsequently proven to be a big fat lie by fact checkers and historians of the period.
Never mind, forget facts, this is morning in America circa 2016. At a campaign rally in California two months later Trump repeated—almost verbatim—his narrative about General Pershing’s execution of Muslim prisoners. Trump’s supporters erupted with wild cheers and bellowing.
“Ignorant armies,” indeed.
If he were with us now, Matthew Arnold would have minced no words about this spectacle. And he might have asked what had gone wrong with American education, which he admired in his own day. Here’s the answer to Arnold’s hypothetical question:
A half century ago there began a pedagogical upheaval in the nation’s schools, a revolution from the top carried out by self-described “progressives,” that eventually succeeded in stripping away any semblance of a coherent grade-by-grade curriculum. Professional educators (most of them at least) reclaimed romantic theories of child development dating all the way back to Rousseau and powerfully reinforced in the 1930s by the American philosopher John Dewey.
Henceforth the nation’s Ed schools instructed prospective K-12 teachers that children were capable of “constructing their own knowledge.” The classroom teacher should be a “guide on the side,” instead of a “sage on the stage.” In many American public schools it was now deemed more important for children to “learn how to learn” rather than to accumulate “mere facts” and useless knowledge.
The resurrection of the “child-centered” pedagogy that Mathew Arnold railed against in his own lifetime turned classroom instruction upside down, disrupting the transmission of civic values and traditions from one generation to the next. Noting the old adage about the inmates taking over the asylum, the writer David Solway recently mused that in the era of progressive As American Education Collapses, Democracy’s Foundation Shakes - The Daily Beast:
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KJ-Marcos Breton Bromance: Hitting Kevin Johnson with a pie won’t help the homeless | The Sacramento Bee

Hitting Kevin Johnson with a pie won’t help the homeless | The Sacramento Bee:

KJ-Marcos Breton Bromance:  Hitting Kevin Johnson with a pie won’t help the homeless



Since Colin Kaepernick began his now-famous protest against police brutality by refusing to stand during “The Star Spangled Banner,” I have been thinking more broadly about ways people express discontent with the status quo.
Protests are never easy, rarely popular and protesters are too often mocked or dismissed.
The 49ers backup quarterback is on the cover of the Oct. 3 issue of Time magazine because his taking a knee during the national anthem increasingly has become viewed as a righteous act. More police shootings resulting in the deaths of African Americans – this time in Tulsa, Okla., and Charlotte, N.C. – profoundly underscore Kaepernick’s point that deadly force tactics must face scrutiny.
With all this stated, it would be foolish to compare Kaepernick’s demonstrations to the young man who chose to protest homeless conditions by ramming a pie in the face of Sacramento Mayor Kevin Johnson. That incident happened on Wednesday while the mayor was attending a charity dinner at Sacramento Charter School in Oak Park.
The protester, Sean Thompson, 32, may be as fully committed to his cause as Kaepernick is to his. But Thompson wasn’t fielding media questions in his orange jumpsuit at the Sacramento County Main Jail on Thursday because his actions had brought concerns about homelessness to the fore.
The story has been less about Thompson’s cause and more about him expressing his frustration via a coconut cream pie. But even more than that, the story has been aboutJohnson’s reaction to Thompson. The mayor popped his pie-wielding attacker in the face with at least one punch that opened a gash under Thompson’s eye.
That “don’t mess with the mayor” narrative was crystallized when Thompson’s arrest photo was released. There it was for all the world to see: Thompson’s youthful, slightly mischievous gaze marred by a black eye and stitches.
So was Johnson justified in punching Thompson or not?
In legal terms, Thompson may have committed battery when he came up from behind Johnson, grabbed the mayor and shoved the pie in Johnson’s face hard enough to knock off his glasses.
“It’s pretty clear on this one,” said Mike Vitiello, a distinguished professor of law at McGeorge Law School. “Hitting the mayor in the face with a pie can be treated as an assault. … It’s assaultive behavior. It’s probably simple battery, and it entitles a person to use comparable force in self-defense.”
Vitiello said that if Johnson had given Thompson consent to hit him with a pie as part of way to entertain an audience, then what he did to Johnson would be legal. But Johnson had no expectation of being attacked at a fundraiser for St. Hope Academy, the educational nonprofit that Johnson founded.
“There is no way in the world the mayor would be charged in this case,” Vitiello said. “People can’t go around thinking they can batter public officials.”
Hitting people in the face with pies has a relatively long history in our culture. One objective of the action is to humiliate the target and bring him – or her – down to size.
“It brings a sense of humor into the political debate, and as a political statement it creates immediate impact, deflates the victim’s ego,” said Aron Kay, who began throwing pies at famous people during the Vietnam War, in an interview with the International Times.
Because a pie is involved, some people think such attacks are funny. And sometimes there’s humor to be had, depending on the target and one’s tolerance for these types of shenanigans. But for me, the only pie throwing I find to be truly hilarious involves guys named Moe, Larry and Curly.
Thompson said hitting Johnson with a pie “was the least violent action I could take” when protesting what he views as Johnson’s inaction in addressing the needs of the homeless. That raises an obvious question: Why get violent at all?
Kaepernick’s silent gesture of kneeling during the national anthem has become powerful, in part, because it’s peaceful and even respectful. It’s hard to imagine a pie to someone’s face gaining similar traction because, in the end, it’s about hitting someone. It’s about trying to humiliate someone.
People’s reactions to Johnson striking back – like most issues concerning the mayor – seem to depend largely on what they thought of him before he got creamed.
For those who hold negative views of Johnson – public school teachers still seething that he made Sac High a nonunion charter school; opponents of the downtown arena; opponents of his strong-mayor initiative; people who call him a sexual predator – Johnson’s punching Thompson is just another example of reprehensible behavior.
Those who take a more agnostic view of Johnson and see him mainly as a consequential – if flawed and polarizing – political figure might have a different opinion. In an online Bee poll, 70 percent of respondents believed Johnson was justified in striking the protester who hit him in the face with a pie.
The event during which Thompson staged his protest was meant to benefit underserved youths, many of them African American and Latino kids. To some, the sight of a white man cramming a pie into the face of the first African American mayor in Sacramento history was a jarring one.
It’s also worth pointing out that Johnson helped to establish Sacramento Steps Forward, the county agency coordinating homeless services. That agency has made real inroads in helping to get homeless veterans and young people off the streets.
With winter approaching, people need safe, dry places to sleep, and there is not enough housing to go around. What some homeless advocates want is for the city to repeal its anti-camping ordinance. If that ordinance were repealed, homeless camping would become legal and that wouldn’t do anyone – least of all the homeless – any good. Along with stable shelter, people need mental health services and drug treatment, not just a place to sleep outside.
None of these issues were served by what Thompson did. He simply became a prop in his own protest, his caused trumped by his target and eclipsed by the very spectacle he created. Someone needs to tell him: Affecting change in Sacramento is not accomplished by assaulting someone.
Thompson did nothing for the homeless. He just broke the law.Hitting Kevin Johnson with a pie won’t help the homeless | The Sacramento Bee:




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