Saturday, July 4, 2015

GUEST: Are Christie and Baraka telling it like it is? What does that mean? And who are they really? | Bob Braun's Ledger

GUEST: Are Christie and Baraka telling it like it is? What does that mean? And who are they really? | Bob Braun's Ledger:

GUEST: Are Christie and Baraka telling it like it is? What does that mean? And who are they really?



Baraka: Telling it like it is? What did his epiphany mean?
Baraka: Telling it like it is? What did his epiphany mean for Newark?

Christie: Telling it like it is? Is he still the decider of what happens in Newark?
Christie: Telling it like it is? Is he still the decider?


By Mr. Outside

This analysis of the–perhaps dangerous–political chess game between Newark Mayor Ras Baraka and New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie was written  by a Newark teacher who prefers to be known as “Mr. Outside.”  It was submitted as a comment to my blog but I thought it should be seen by a wider audience.  I  use pseudonymous submissions at my discretion and when they are as good as this one.

Telling it like it is, huh? Ok. If that’s what we’re going to be doing, then let’s do that.
Baraka ran a campaign singularly focused on local control of Newark’s public schools. Nothing else. He didn’t run a campaign focused on job creation, reducing the city’s deficit, growing the city’s infrastructure– none of that boiler plate stuff. He focused almost exclusively on local control of the schools.
He managed somehow to lose sight of the many other issues the city facing; issues that resulted in more out-of-town oversight: a) the state taking over the city’s ball of yarn finances, and b) the justice department monitoring the city’s police force. I support Baraka. Always have. And I am supporting Baraka now. Not the office of the Mayor–but Ras Baraka. I am supporting him when I tell it like it is in the following lines. The man occupying the office of the Mayor of Newark did not anticipate the weight of managing a city like Newark– which is competing with Hoboken, Jersey City and New York City. He didn’t anticipate how far removed from grass roots politics, he would be when it came to wheeling and dealing with forces like Prudential, like “big-charter,” with federal agencies and yes, even foreign governments. It’s different as a councilman. He at once, has the burden of playing nicely in the sandbox with those whose moral, philosophical, cultural and social codes have long since been compromised, and appealing to the constituency that elected him. Ras Baraka could probably rise to the occasion. But the Mayor of Newark simply cannot. The seat of that office is an ivory tower. A prison. As the Mayor he is a pawn, to Bill Wolf’s point, who got played.
I read that NJ Spotlight article. I was disappointed at its conclusion. The Mayor has allowed himself to be deluded into thinking that he arrived at some epiphany; that it became clear for him what he ought to do when Christie declared himself the decider. Somehow, Baraka thought, or continues to think, Christie backed himself into a corner. No. Christie simply affirmed his and Baraka’s position and the nature of their relationship. The Mayor of Newark is not in control. Everyone else but the GUEST: Are Christie and Baraka telling it like it is? What does that mean? And who are they really? | Bob Braun's Ledger:

Happy the 4th of July - The ignorance of one voter in a democracy impairs the security of all.






The ignorance of one voter in a democracy impairs the security of all.


"But the educated citizen knows how much more there is to know. He knows that "knowledge is power," more so today than ever before. He knows that only an educated and informed people will be a free people, that the ignorance of one voter in a democracy impairs the security of all, and that if we can, as Jefferson put it, "enlighten the people generally ... tyranny and the oppressions of mind and body will vanish, like evil spirits at the dawn of day." And, therefore, the educated citizen has a special obligation to encourage the pursuit of learning, to promote exploration of the unknown, to preserve the freedom of inquiry, to support the advancement of research, and to assist at every level of government the improvement of education for all Americans, from grade school to graduate school." John F. Kennedy







Becoming the People We Wish We Were: An Address to the Graduating Students of Harvey Milk High School | Joy Ladin

Becoming the People We Wish We Were: An Address to the Graduating Students of Harvey Milk High School | Joy Ladin:

Becoming the People We Wish We Were: An Address to the Graduating Students of Harvey Milk High School





Commencement address delivered to the graduating class of Harvey Milk High School,
a New York City school created for LGBT students 
and others whose home schools are not safe
June 25, 2015

I'm supposed to tell you that with hard work and persistence, you can do anything. But you know that already. If you didn't, you wouldn't be graduating. So I want to tell you something different: that you can become the person you wish you were.
When I was your age, I didn't know that. In fact, till I was in my mid-forties, I believed that because I was born into a male body, I could never become the person -- the woman -- I wished I was.
When I was growing up, there were no transgender people on TV, no openly trans people holding jobs, being teachers, running for public office, being models or talk show hosts or Navy SEALS or famous athletes. Everyone I saw was either male or female. Every teacher. Every doctor. Every politician (actually, back then, they were mostly male). Every famous person in history. When I was young, I didn't even know there were other transgender people. I felt like an alien, a monster, a mistake. I wanted, and tried, to die.
When I stumbled across a magazine article by a woman whose son had become her daughter, I learned that I wasn't the only trans person in the world, and that there was a way for me someone born male to change my body and live as a woman. I longed to do that, but I was was terrified that my family and friends would reject me, that I would be homeless, alone and unloved and unlovable. I could become the person I wished I were, but I was sure that my family, my neighborhood, my country, my world, had no place for anyone like me.
So I kept pretending I was the boy, then man, that people thought I was, pretending I wasn't always thinking about dying, pretending I was really alive when most of time, I felt dead.
As trans kids go, I was lucky. I made it through high school, and then through college. A few months after graduation, I married a woman I had starting seeing in my freshman year. I had feared no one would love me if I revealed that I was transgender. But I had told her I was trans when we were sophomores, and she said she didn't mind that I felt female inside, that she would stay with me as long as I acted like a man.
It was a terrible mistake to commit to a relationship in which I would only be loved as long as I agreed not to become the person I wanted -- needed -- to be, but when I lived as a man, all my relationships were like that. My job, my friendships -- everything depended on me giving up on living my gender identity.
By the time I got married, I had completely surrendered to the prejudice against transgender people that surrounded me. If people were going to hate me for being who I was, well, I would do my best to pretend I was someone else. I didn't stand up for my rights, or anyone else's; I kept quiet when I saw injustice and oppression. And above all, I stayed hidden, avoiding anything -- any activity, opinion, clothing, even tone of voice -- that might reveal my female gender identity.
Prejudice and fear not only ruled my life; they ruled my heart. I hated myself for being trans, and I hated myself for being afraid to become the person I wanted to be: the honest person, the brave person, the kind person, the joyful, grateful, generous person, the person who didn't make excuses or blame others for my decisions, the person who would stand up and make a difference.
I knew I couldn't become that person as long as I was pretending to be a man. But gender was only part of the problem. I couldn't become the person I wished I were by hating myself, or by telling myself I had no power over my life or by running away Becoming the People We Wish We Were: An Address to the Graduating Students of Harvey Milk High School | Joy Ladin:

New tune for piano-playing senator: Revised education policy - SFGate

New tune for piano-playing senator: Revised education policy - SFGate:

New tune for piano-playing senator: Revised education policy



FILE - In this May 22, 2015 file photo, Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., plays piano in his office on Capitol Hill in Washington. The Tennessee Republican has been playing music, and politics, his whole life, blending the two last month as he practiced an upcoming performance on a borrowed piano in his Senate office. But this week, Alexander’s stage is the Senate floor, where he’ll do his day job as the top Republican on education issues by managing a bipartisan bill to update the No Child Left Behind Act with a policy giving states more power over their own public schools. Photo: Susan Walsh, AP / AP


WASHINGTON (AP) — How does a musician-senator fill the time during yet another partisan Senate stalemate?
In Sen. Lamar Alexander's case, he sits down at a borrowed piano in his Capitol Hill office and, with a grin, bangs out "The Memphis Blues."
He's been blending music and politics his whole life. And this coming week, the three-term Tennessee Republican hopesDemocrats and the GOP harmonize as the Senate becomes Alexander's stage.
The son of a school teacher and principal, this former federal education secretary and onetime university president will be shepherding a bill he's been working on for seven years: a rewrite of the contentious No Child Left Behind law.
Alexander acknowledges "getting a little emotional" when his polarized committee — the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee — approved the measure unanimously this spring. "But," he said in an interview, "I'm going to save my emotions until we get a presidential signature."
The carefully balanced legislation is a long way from becoming law and faces an uncertain future in the House. But it's perhaps the most consequential shot Alexander will have at a lifelong effort to loosen the federal government's grip on public schools.
"Legacy, to him is not, 'I need to do something so people will remember my name,'" said Democrat Phil Bredesen, who, like Alexander, is a former Tennessee governor who made education a priority. "For him, it's that, 'I need to leave a mark that will do good things in the future.'"
For the 75-year-old Alexander, the bill's success would punctuate a legislative career fueled by pragmatism and the drive for results, a sharp contrast to new GOP colleagues such as Sens. Ted Cruz of Texas and Rand Paul of Kentucky, who have blocked legislation and are proud of it.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., holds up the product of Alexander's negotiations with his Democratic co-sponsor, Sen. Patty Murray of Washington state, as a model for the way he wants the Senate to work under GOP control.
"I think the way he navigated a committee that has the most liberal members of the Senate and a few of the most conservative, to get to this point, is why I was willing to give this issue floor time," the schedule-setting McConnell said in a recent interview. "In my job, floor time is the coin of the realm. It means that I have confidence that the underlying bill is going to succeed."
The proposed rewrite stands on the premise that states and localities are better positioned to assess their own school performance than what Alexander calls the "national school board" created by the 2001 law that Republican President George W. Bush championed.
It helped that Republicans and Democrats — and the army of teacher and education lobbyists swarming around the rewrite — agree on that general idea, Alexander says. The turning point came earlier this year as Republicans assumed control of the Senate, when Murray suggested that she wanted to get an agreement.
"He comes to the negotiating table with a very strong philosophy, and what he thinks is right, but he also understands the art of compromise," Murray says.
For the first time, the proposal will get a debate and likely vote on the Senate floor.
"It's a chance for him to leverage all of those experiences that he had as governor, as secretary of education and president of the University of Tennessee," said Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn.
For all of the platforms from which Alexander has advocated for education, the bully pulpit of the presidency was not to be among them. He lost the 1996 GOP nomination to Kansas Republican Bob Dole despite a splashy campaign featuring New tune for piano-playing senator: Revised education policy - SFGate:

Friday, July 3, 2015

Is Someone Thinking About Giving Me a Few Million to Start an Education News Network? Not Likely.

Is Someone Thinking About Giving Me a Few Million to Start an Education News Network? Not Likely. | The Range: The Tucson Weekly's Daily Dispatch | Tucson Weekly:

Is Someone Thinking About Giving Me a Few Million to Start an Education News Network? Not Likely.






No one would be foolish enough to give me a couple million to start an online education news network. I'm the wrong guy for the job, in spades. But it would be nice if someone on the progressive side of education got that kind of money to put together a slick, comprehensive website to cover education news, staffed with serious, experienced journalists.

I don't see that happening. But ex-CNN and NBC anchor Campbell Brown is getting big money tostart an online news network with a privatization/"education reform" slant. It must be nice to have friends in high financial places.

Brown's nonprofit news site is supposed to go live in mid July. She's hired 13 people so far, including a former editor at Time magazine and a Pulitzer Prize winning journalist. It takes a decent chunk of change to pay 13 quality staff members while also taking care of general startup costs. But money isn't really a problem when your funding comes from the likes of Bloomberg Philanthropies and the Walton Family Foundation, among others.

As in the world of politics, there's a financial imbalance between the people supporting conservative and progressive education agendas. In education, the big money is on the anti-union, anti-tenure, pro-charter, pro-voucher side. They have the means to package and disseminate their message. There's just not the same kind of money on the progressive side.

This isn't Brown's only educational venture. She also runs another nonprofit with deep pockets devoted to fighting teacher tenure and seniority laws in court. And she's hardly a lone voice crying in the wilderness. A number of well funded organizations push a similar agenda. For instance, there's Students First, the group started by Michelle Rhee who built her educational reputation on lies and half truths about her successes as a teacher and as chancellor of the Washington, D.C. schools. She raised lots of money before she got kicked out of her own organization. Students First also has a high powered Board of Directors. One of the board members is Dan Senor, who was an aide to President George W. Bush, chief spokesperson for the Coalition Provisional Is Someone Thinking About Giving Me a Few Million to Start an Education News Network? Not Likely. | The Range: The Tucson Weekly's Daily Dispatch | Tucson Weekly:





LAUSD NEEDS A NEW CHIEF. PITY THE POOR GUY WHO GETS THE JOB | L.A. Weekly

LAUSD | L.A. Weekly:

LAUSD NEEDS A NEW CHIEF. PITY THE POOR GUY WHO GETS THE JOB






The Los Angeles Unified School District is looking for a new leader. The question isn't who they want, it's who would actually want the job.
The interim superintendent, Ramon Cortines, signed a one-year contract extension last month. But last week, Cortines began crying during a public meeting and announced that he was leaving in six months.
"Cortines, a fitness fanatic also known for a punishing work ethic, has discussed feeling exhausted by the job, which has included managing several difficult situations," wrote Howard Blume in the Los Angeles Times.
"Several difficult situations" = understatement of the year. The fact is, LAUSD superintendent just might be the hardest job in America. Here's why:
The School DistrictWelcome to LAUSD, the second-largest school district in the country. It has roughly 1,100 schools, 646,683 students and a budget of $7.8 billion. It sprawls over 710 square miles, from the Los Angeles–Ventura County line to the foothills of the San Gabriel Mountains, then southeast to Vernon and Maywood and Cudahy, and then all the way south to San Pedro. 
It has its own 475-person sworn and non-sworn police force. It operates nearly as many buses as L.A. County Metro. Its cafeterias serve around half a million meals — each day. 
It is, in short, a massive city not unlike L.A. itself, performing a multitude of services that go well beyond teaching reading, writing and arithmetic. Its schools house parent centers and act as hubs for social services. 
Four out of five of its students are in poverty; one out of four them is learning to read and write English as a second language. Most of the latter speak Spanish as a first language, but thousands speak Armenian, Korean or one of 90 other languages (Tagalog! Pashto! Gujarati!). There are more English-language learners in Los Angeles than in any other school district in the United States. 
Where It's HeadingThe good news is that LAUSD is improving by any number of measurements, after four decades of decline from the 1960s through the 1990s. Test scores, truancy rates and graduation rates have all improved. All but one: enrollment.
And that is the bad news.
Enrollment has been dropping steadily since 2003, when the district had 750,000 students. Where are all these students going?
Many of them are going to charter schools. Many others have families that are moving out of LAUSD, either to neighboring school districts such as Culver City, Santa Monica or Long Beach, or out of L.A. 
So LAUSD is leaking students, and it's a major problem, since school districts get money from the state government based on head counts.
Less students = less money. Less money = fewer employees, fewer services. That might make the school LAUSD | L.A. Weekly:

Remarks By NEA President Lily Eskelsen García To The 94th Nea Representative Assembly - Lily's Blackboard

Remarks As Prepared For Delivery By NEA President Lily Eskelsen García To The 94th Nea Representative Assembly - Lily's Blackboard:




Remarks As Prepared For Delivery By NEA President Lily Eskelsen García To The 94th Nea Representative Assembly



NEA President Lily Eskelsen García addresses the NEA Representative Assembly in Orlando,Fl on July 3,2015. (Photo by Scott Iskowitz)
Orange County Convention Center, Orlando, Florida
Twenty-eight years ago, I was sitting right here with my Utah delegation in Los Angeles. I had been teaching seven years. My local had an at-large seat that any member could run for. I was Orchard Elementary AR that year, and my local president said: You’ve got an opinion on everything—You should run.
And I did. And I lost. I was like the alternate-alternate-alternate. Two people had to get sick so I could go. It was the second plane ride I ever had in my life. A day before I got on the plane, they handed me three tons of paperwork—resolutions and platforms and policy statements and I read every word. It was the last time I read every word. But you should, of course.
I walked into the room and it took my breath away. Do you remember the first time you walked into the Representative Assembly? I was a sixth grade teacher from Utah with 39 kids in my class, and I walked in, and I thought: I’m not alone. I belong to something big. I belong to something powerful.
Mary Hatwood Futrell was president. She was the voice of power and professionalism and dignity. I thought: Wow! How could anyone ever have the guts to call someone out of order? All my life I’ve wanted to call someone out of order!
Now, I thought I was supposed to speak on every issue. If a thought entered my head, I got to a microphone. And that made me really…popular. But I had this sense of urgency. Possibilities. Excitement. I had a sense that the people in this room were powerful enough to do something that would make a difference for my students. I wasn’t disappointed.
A lot of things have changed in 28 years. I’ve changed.
I was a lunch lady—okay I was the salad girl. I was working my up to hot food. Then I was a Head Start teacher’s assistant and then a university student and then an elementary teacher. And now I’m the president of the NEA.
But some things haven’t changed.
I’ve never lost that feeling that we are powerful, and we use that power in service to our students.
I know so many of you. I know from a thousand conversations and arguments and motions and debates that whatever journey brought you to this room, your hearts are wrapped around your students. The ones you drive to school. The ones you feed. The ones you teach and scold and counsel and heal and save their lives and love. From the very beginning, our mission has never changed: we wake up every day set on doing whatever we can to ensure that our students have every opportunity to learn, to grow, to succeed.
And that is why we are gathered here today. To carry out that mission.
This room has been mission control for so many of us. How many of you have been coming to the RA for 10 years or more?
How many of you are first time delegates? Stand up so we can clap for you.
There’s only two things that happen to first timers. At the end of four days, you will either run screaming from the room yelling: Make it stop! Or you will be inspired and empowered and you will not let the actions of the RA end at the end of the RA. You will say: Whatever I told my NEA to do, I’m supposed to do when I get back home. I am the NEA back home.
And that is the essence of who we are. We are the NEA. We are rabble rousers; the activists; the true believers…and this is how we are going to make our mark on the world…as educators who understand the fearless power of collective action.
I was thinking about what I wanted to say to you in my first speech. I was thinking about how my life has changed and how my life hasn’t changed. And then I thought, that’s no different from anyone else’s life. We change. We grow. We learn. But the essence of who we are remains.
And then I knew what I wanted to say. Because what’s happening to us as individuals, has also happened to our own union.
At the beginning, we didn’t even call it a union.
In 1857, a couple of states had started forming teacher associations to strengthen this new idea of professionally trained teachers. A teacher in New York thought it would be a good idea for all these new state associations to come together and start advocating for public schools and professional teachers on the national level. Around 100 teachers representing 15 states answered his call. They voted to form the National Teachers Association, which soon became the National Education Association.
Women were barred from membership. Oh my, how things have changed.
The years rolled by, and NEA changed again and again. Leadership from the beginning in our organization was mostly men and mostly white and mostly administrators and deans of colleges of education.
We didn’t even have a place at the table for our education support professionals. We thought it was unprofessional to bargain a contract. There was a great debate on whether or not we should be a union or a professional association—it took us a while until we discovered that that was a false choice. We needed to be both.
Because a school is more than our place of employment. That school was our cause. It was a movement. And from the beginning, it has been a cause to love someone else’s child.
One of the first national actions of the NEA was to stand beside women like Mother Jones and fight against child labor.
When we saw the effect of poverty on families, we saw it specifically through an educator’s eyes. We saw what happened to a child who was plucked out of a desk at school to work in a factory or a in a mine so that their families might not starve. Did you know that Mother Jones—was a teacher in her early life. She saw through a teacher’s eyes: When you destroy the future of a child, you destroy the future of everything.
We both fought and won child labor protections in state after state. One hundred years ago, because we were here, something good happened for children that protects children still today.
Ninety years ago, our country faced the Great Depression.
Many schools were forced to close for lack of funds.
NEA worked with President Roosevelt, for federal aid as part of the New Deal so state and local governments would have the money to reopen their schools.
Sixty-five years ago, NEA lobbied for the G.I. bill, The G.I. bill was a game changer for the U.S. Before that, universities were for kids from mostly well-off families. After that, it was for anybody’s kid. Men and women who didn’t come from wealthy families—but who served their country would have a decent shot at higher education. We helped make that happen.
Sixty years ago, the Supreme Court finally ruled that separate is inherently and intolerably and immorally unequal. I remember whites-only water fountains in the playground when my dad was stationed in Warner Robins, Georgia. This is not ancient history…It’s current events. The vestiges of racism live on. It takes on many forms. We see it in which children are bullied at school. We see it in which children have the services and supports that nurture the whole, blessed child and which don’t even get recess. We see it in voter suppression. We see it today in the churches that are burning.
The ’60s were a time of decision for our Association. It was a time that called on us to demand justice in our own NEA house. NEA merged with the black teachers union, the American Teachers Association, and we required our affiliates to integrate. Some refused, and we disaffiliated those affiliates. We lost a lot of members, but we organized and we came back. And today, NEA is one of the largest, most powerful deliberately diverse organizations on the planet.
Fifty years ago, it was clear that even after Brown, states were shortchanging students who lived in poverty—and the face of poverty was still primarily the face of black and brown children. NEA fought for a new educational priority within the federal government. In 1965, President Johnson signed the Elementary & Secondary Education Act as part of the civil rights movement; as part of the war on poverty. A law that would give schools with high concentrations of children in poverty, some extra funding to try to make up for the lack of resources provided by state legislatures. NEA was part of the team that won this victory.
That same 50 years ago, we charged up Capitol Hill again and helped put another pen in President Johnson’s hand when he signed the law authorizing Head Start, a program that I am proud to say hired me as the lunch lady. And as of today, a program that has served over 30 million preschoolers with education, nutrition, health and social services.
Forty-seven years ago the NEA led the charge and won passage of the Bilingual Education Act for the first federal funding to establish innovative programs for students who were English language learners, including Latino students, Asian Pacific Islander students and American Indian- Alaska Native students.
Forty-four years ago, we fought for passage of the School Breakfast Program and we argued what researchers and any school lunch lady could tell you: that kids who are hungry can’t learn.
Forty-three years ago, NEA cheered as President Richard Nixon (yes, we cheered President Nixon) because he signed Title IX—the federal law outlawing discrimination against girls and women in school sports.
Forty years ago, NEA fought for the passage of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act and for the first time there were federal protections for the rights of children with disabilities to a free and appropriate education.
Three years ago, with NEA doing a full-court press, President Obama approved an immigration policy to defer action on childhood arrivals. With DACA, children and young people who had been brought to America without the right papers could apply for a temporary visa that would allow them to stay in the country they loved, work and go to school until a permanent solution on comprehensive immigration reform could be found. NEA believes in our DREAMers.
And one week ago—after considering the arguments, including an NEA amicus brief arguing that state discrimination against same-sex married couples deprives them and their children of the fundamental dignity, benefits and rights that other couples and their children enjoy—the Supreme Court decided on our side and on the right side of history. And my son, Jeremy, called me and said, “Ma! Mike and I are no longer living in sin!” My son and Mike are legally married in the great state of Utah.
There’s so much history I’m so proud of. And I know some of you are going to be so mad at me that I didn’t include something really important on retirement security and affordable college and health care and a living wage and so many things we’re fighting for…I could go on and on because I love the sound of my own voice, but…we’re supposed to end in 3 1/2…and if I took up all the rest of those 3 1/2 days, I still wouldn’t be at the end of our list of the victories that we won for someone else’s child and someone else’s family.
Our structure at NEA has changed. The people who sit in these seats will change. But our hearts are the constant. And if that has ever changed, it’s only to grow stronger and more determined and more in awe that in our hands—in the hands of someone who knows the names of their students from preschool to graduate school—in our hands is the future of everything.
The NEA is not our building. It’s not the furniture. It’s not the meetings. You are the NEA.
You are the future of everything. And the future is calling on you to act the day you go home from this Representative Assembly. I wish I could give you the day off, but that’s not the way the world works. We will adjourn when business is over on July 6th. We have just received word that on July 7th, the bill that passed out of the Senate committee to reauthorize the Elementary and Secondary Education Act—or No Child Left Untested—will be brought to the floor of the Senate for debate.
Because of you and your state and local leaders and everyone who signed up on GetESEAright.com—we flooded senators with our stories of what the insidious, obsessive, obscene focus on a standardized test bubble sheet has done to shortchange our most vulnerable students.
We demanded an end to the toxic testing produced by AYP that limits what it means to teach and what it means to learn to what fits on a standardized test. We told your Senators: Replace that failed one-size-fits-all bubble sheet with a dashboard of multiple indicators of success. On the dashboard in my car, I’ve got lots of indicators. I can tell if the tank’s full. I can tell how fast I’m going. With No Child Left Untested, I’ve got a “check engine light” blinking—and they tell me to put air in the tire.
We want a dashboard of indicators that can tell us if we’re driving in the right direction. We want better information in the hands of a caring, competent educator so we can maximize the Opportunity to Learn for every blessed student. And we told that Senate committee that we wanted something that’s never been in ESEA, although it was the essence of civil rights: We want schools to report on that dashboard evidence of resource equity for all students. What kind of programs and services do the kids in this ZIP code have compared to the programs and services that the kids in this ZIP code? Shouldn’t the public know which kids have access to a school librarian; AP classes? Health services? Counselors? Reading tutors? Recess?
A minor miracle occurred because of you. One hundred percent of the Democrats on that Senate committee and 100 percent of the Republicans on that Senate committee voted to end AYP, include a dashboard of multiple indicators of success beyond the standardized test and require states to report indicators of resource equity—and they passed the bill out to the floor. The full Senate will now debate and vote on the committee bill.
Again, 3 million members are being called on to act to improve the lives of someone else’s child. A generation of students has already suffered 13 years of Test and Punish. We have the opportunity to end the federal nightmare of toxic testing.
Parents are with us. Researchers are with us. Enlightened business leaders are with us. But we must lead…as we have led for 158 years. Now is our moment.
You have a circle of influence waiting to hear you. One in every 100 Americans is a member of the National Education Association. Mother Jones did it without a Facebook page. Without a twitter account. How can you reach 100 people with the truth? You can speak in a way no one can silence you. The people who know you, trust you. They will listen to you. That’s the power that’s already in your hands. Imagine 3 million NEA members simply telling the truth to people who will listen to them and trust them.
I was sitting right there 28 years ago as a new delegate. Twenty-eight years from today, it may be a first time delegate sitting in this room right now who stands up here. Twenty-eight years ago, no one would have picked me. I was so annoying to my delegation. Now I’m annoying to the Koch brothers.
We are what democracy looks like. We are what power looks like. I am an empowered sixth grade teacher from Utah and it wasn’t my superintendent who empowered me. It wasn’t my governor or the Secretary of Education. It was my union…My union saw me as a leader and it was this Representative Assembly that put me on this stage. As it will do for the next generation of leaders. And the next. And the next. For another 158 years.
We are the circulating blood and the beating heart of the cause of public education. We believe in ourselves. Not out of a sense of arrogance. If you don’t believe in yourself, you have not earned the right to ask anyone else to believe in you.
And 28 years later, I still believe in you as much as I did the first time I walked into this room. I’m still electrified by the power waiting to be unleashed. I still get that feeling that nothing can stop us. Nothing can stop the mission that’s written in our hearts the way it’s written in my favorite poem:
Give me your hungry children,
Your sick children.
Your homeless and abused children.
Give me your children who need love as badly as they need learning.
Give me your children who have talents and gifts and skills.
And give me those who have none.
Give them all to me, in whatever form they come,
Whatever color their skin,
Whatever language they speak,
Wherever they find God.
And the people in this public school will give you.
The doctors and the engineers,
and the carpenters.
We’ll give you the lawyers and ministers
And the teachers of tomorrow.
We’ll give you the mothers and the fathers,
The thinkers and the builders,
The artists and the dreamers.
We will give you the American Dream
We will give you the future.
Will you take the power on our hands and fight for that future?
Will you unite our members and the nation?
Will you inspire them to see that we are being called on to act now to end the toxic testing that has poisoned what it means to teach and what it mean to learn?
Will you lead to a future that respects the whole child, the whole community and respects the men and women who know the names of the students and who know what we’re talking about?
Órale pues. Adelante.

In her first speech to the NEA Representative Assembly (RA) as NEA President, Lily Eskelsen García championed the long history of educator activism and urged the delegates to always remember that “we are what democracy looks like.”
“We are the NEA. We are rabble rousers; the activists; the true believers…and this is how we are going to make our mark on the world…as educators who understand the fearless power of collective action,” García told the 7,000 delegates gathered this week in Orlando, FL.
García was introduced to the assembly by NEA Vice President Becky Pringle, who praised “my friend, my sister, my president” for her boundless energy and unwavering devotion to students everywhere.
García began the keynote by recalling her first NEA RA in Los Angeles in 1987 as a 6th grade teacher in the Utah delegation. Much has changed since then, she said, but children have always depended on their teachers, bus drivers, cafeteria workers, paraeducators and others in their schools to advocate for them.
“Whatever journey brought you to this room, your hearts are wrapped around your students. From the very beginning, our mission has never changed: we wake up every day set on doing whatever we can to ensure that our students have every opportunity to learn, to grow, to succeed,” Garcia said.
García spoke passionately as she extolled the role NEA has played in improving public education and advancing some of the most important social justice causes over the past century – the fight against against child labor, advocating for federal aid for education during the Great Depression, and lobbying for the GI Bill after World War II. NEA also worked with President Lyndon Johnson in passing the first Elementary and Secondary Education Act and Head Start In 1965 and pushed for the passage of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act in 1975.
Despite a legacy of progress we can all be proud, there is still much work to be done, García told the delegates, to combat the vestiges of racism and poverty that continue 

H.R. 2268 Ending Corporal Punishment in Schools Act of 2015 | POPVOX

H.R. 2268 Ending Corporal Punishment in Schools Act of 2015 | POPVOX:

H.R. 2268 ENDING CORPORAL PUNISHMENT IN SCHOOLS ACT OF 2015








Bill Summary

5/12/2015--Introduced.
Ending Corporal Punishment in Schools Act of 2015

Amends the General Education Provisions Act to prohibit the Department of Education (ED) from providing education funding to any educational agency or institution that allows school personnel to inflict corporal punishment upon a student as a form of punishment or to modify undesirable behavior.

Requires each state to submit a plan to ED, within 18 months of this Act's enactment and every third year thereafter, that describes how the state eliminates the use of corporal punishment in schools and makes school personnel and parents aware of its policies and procedures for doing so.

Authorizes ED to award three-year grants to states and, through them, competitive subgrants to local educational agencies (LEAs) to assist them in improving school climate and culture by implementing school-wide positive behavior supports.

Requires grant and subgrant funds to be used for professional training, technical assistance, research, and outreach regarding positive behavior supports. Requires LEAs to ensure that private school personnel can participate, on an equitable basis, in activities supported by such funds.

Authorizes ED to allocate funds to the Department of the Interior to carry out such activities with regard to schools operated or funded by such Department.

Directs ED to conduct a national assessment to determine compliance with this Act's requirements and identify best practices regarding positive behavior support professional training programs.

Gives Protection and Advocacy Systems the authority provided under the Developmental Disabilities Assistance and Bill of Rights Act of 2000 to investigate, monitor, and enforce this Act's protections for students.