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Thursday, November 19, 2015

Connecticut's Democratic Legislative Leaders call for suspending elections to save money... - Wait What?

Connecticut's Democratic Legislative Leaders call for suspending elections to save money... - Wait What?:

Connecticut’s Democratic Legislative Leaders call for suspending elections to save money…





Well, their proposal is pretty damn close to that…
Earlier this week, the Democratic leaders of the Connecticut General Assembly proposed suspending Connecticut’s public financing system, thereby allowing legislators to transfer about $11 million toward the $254 million budget deficit in this year’s state budget.
Their plan would roll back the campaign finance system that Connecticut adopted after former Governor John Rowland resigned in disgrace and was sent to prison.
Instead of keeping Connecticut’s Clean Election Program in place, Democratic leaders would return the state to the “wild-west” campaign fundraising system that favored incumbents and ensured that campaigns for the legislature were primarily financed by political action committees, lobbyists and those who benefit financially from state contracts.
Without consulting the members of the Senate or House Democratic Caucuses, the plan to suspend Connecticut’s campaign finance system was announced by Democratic Senate President Pro Tempore Martin M. Looney, Democratic Senate Majority Leader Bob Duff, Democratic Speaker of the House Brendon Sharkey and Democratic House Majority Leader Joe Aresimowicz.
The 2006 campaign cycle was the last time Connecticut incumbents enjoyed the full pay-to-play campaign finance game that ensured that most campaign donations went to incumbents and that those funds came from state contractors, lobbyist and political actions committees.
In fact, the old “incumbent protection” system was working so well that neither Senator Martin Looney nor Representative Brendon Sharkey even had opponents, while Senator Bob Duff and Representative Joe Aresimowicz were able to easily raise far more campaign money than their challenges.
Although Senator Looney didn’t even have an that year, he raised more than $43,000 for his campaign, nearly 60 percent coming from PACS and a large percentage of his individual contributions from lobbyists and state contractors.
Senator Duff raised over $100,000 in 2006, with well over 60 percent coming from PACS, Lobbyists and state contractors, while Representative Aresimowicz collected over $40,000 with more than 70 percent coming from PACS, lobbyists and state contractors.
The leadership proposal designed to return Connecticut campaign finance system and Connecticut's Democratic Legislative Leaders call for suspending elections to save money... - Wait What?:

For Millions of Kids, After-School Programs Light the Way | Ben Paul

For Millions of Kids, After-School Programs Light the Way | Ben Paul:

For Millions of Kids, After-School Programs Light the Way

ALEXANDRO ZAMORA


For millions of children, the bell at the end of school only signals a pause in their daily education. In after-school programs around the country, millions of children close their textbooks and put away their pencils, but instead of going home, they build robots, practice Tae Kwon Do, play in a band, receive homework support or participate in community service.
Whatever the activity, countless families who rely on after-school programing agree: the programs fill a much-needed gap between the ringing school bell at 3pm and the time mom and dad head home at 6pm.
Sadly, after-school programs aren't available everywhere. While millions of children attend, many more are denied the opportunity.
Ivonne Gonzales was one such kid left on her own after school until her parents enrolled her in an After-School All-Stars program. Before long, she learned to play the guitar, and soon, the East LA native was writing and recording her own music, and even performed at the Hollywood Bowl. She summed her after-school experience up in one word: "transformative."
"A lot of children have that voice, a voice to show the best of themselves to the world and change their communities, but they don't get a chance to develop that voice," she told me recently. "My after-school program was a way for me to develop that inner-spark that I had."
While participation in after-school programs has increased, the demand for after-school continues to rise at a pace that outstrips the growth of new programs. Currently, two in five children -- 19.8 million in all -- would participate in after-school if programs were available. Moreover, 11.3 million of those children don't have another option, and spend time alone and unsupervised during the after school hours. When I told this to Ivonne, I could hear the sadness in her voice.
"You grow up in a world of the American dream," she said before hesitating. "But there are still a lot of gaps in opportunity, which is where these programs have to come in."
Far too often, the American dream leaves some groups -- namely minorities and the poor -- behind. After-school programs are a critical way to combat this: research shows that participation in, and demand for, after-school programs are much higher among African American and Latino children from low-income households. Half of children from low-income households not participating in an after-school program would be enrolled in one if one were available to them.
While new after-school opportunities gradually open up for children, there is a long way to go for the 11.3 million students who are unsupervised after school and the millions more who would take advantage of the programs if given the chance. I spend a lot of time thinking about these numbers and citing research that highlights the positive impact after-school programs provide but I find that one of the strongest arguments is the simplest: when I am not with my kids, I worry about them. If I can't watch them myself, I want to know they are being looked after and using their time productively. After-school programs provide all parents, including me, a peace of mind.
The mission of After-School All-Stars is to provide free, comprehensive after-school For Millions of Kids, After-School Programs Light the Way | Ben Paul:
Image result for sacramento  start 4th r after school programs

41 years. $3 billion. Inside the Clinton donor network. - Washington Post

41 years. $3 billion. Inside the Clinton donor network. - Washington Post:

41 years. $3 billion. Inside the Clinton donor network

A Washington Post investigation reveals how Bill and Hillary Clinton have methodically cultivated donors over 40 years, from Little Rock to Washington and then across the globe. Their fundraising methods have created a new blueprint for politicians and their donors.



Today, the two major national teachers’ unions rank among the Clintons’ biggest supporters. The National Education Association has contributed at least $1.3 million to bolster their races, while theAmerican Federation of Teachers has given more than $756,000 to support them politically and at least $1 million to their foundation.
In July, AFT endorsed Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential bid — the first national union to do so.




 Over four decades of public life, Bill and Hillary Clinton have built an unrivaled global network of donors while pioneering fundraising techniques that have transformed modern politics and paved the way for them to potentially become the first husband and wife to win the White House.
The grand total raised for all of their political campaigns and their family’s charitable foundation reaches at least $3 billion, according to a Washington Post investigation.
Their fundraising haul, which began with $178,000 that Bill Clinton raised for his long-shot 1974 congressional bid, is on track to expand substantially with Hillary Clinton’s 2016 White House run, which has already drawn $110 million in support.
The Post identified donations from roughly 336,000 individuals, corporations, unions and foreign governments in support of their political or philanthropic endeavors — a list that includes top patrons such asSteven Spielberg and George Soros, as well as lesser-known backers who have given smaller amounts dozens of times. Not included in the count are an untold number of small donors whose names are not identified in campaign finance reports but together have given millions to the Clintons over the years.
The majority of the money — $2 billion — has gone to the Clinton Foundation, one of the world’s fastest-growing charities, which supports health, education and economic development initiatives around the globe. A handful of elite givers have contributed more than $25 million to the foundation, including Canadian mining magnate Frank Giustra,who is among the wealthy foreign donors who have given tens of millions.
Separately, donors have given $1 billion to support the Clintons’ political races and legal defense fund, making capped contributions to their campaigns and writing six-figure checks to the Democratic National Committee and allied super PACs.
The Post investigation found that many top Clinton patrons supported them in multiple ways, helping finance their political causes, their legal needs, their philanthropy and their personal bank accounts. In some cases, companies connected to their donors hired the Clintons as paid speakers, helping them collect more than $150 million on the lecture circuit in the past 15 years.
The couple’s biggest individual political benefactors are Univision chairman Haim Saban and his wife, Cheryl, who have made 39 contributions totaling $2.4 million to support the Clintons’ races since 1992. The Sabans have also donated at least $10 million to the foundation.
The Clintons kept big contributors in their orbit for decades by methodically wooing competing interest groups — toggling between their liberal base and powerful constituencies, according to donors, friends and aides who have known the couple since their Arkansas days.
They made historic inroads on Wall Street, pulling in at least $69 million in political contributions from the employees and PACs of banks, insurance companies, and securities and investment firms. Wealthy hedge fund managers S. Donald Sussman and David E. Shaware among their top campaign supporters, having given more than $1 million each.
The Clintons’ ties to the financial sector strained their bonds with the left, particularly organized labor. But unions repeatedly shook off their disappointment, giving at least $21 million to support their races. The public employees union AFSCME has been their top labor backer, giving nearly $1.7 million for their campaigns.
The Clintons’ fundraising operation — $3 billion amassed by one couple, 41 years. $3 billion. Inside the Clinton donor network. - Washington Post:

Here's what parents have to say about union efforts at Alliance charter schools - LA Times

Here's what parents have to say about union efforts at Alliance charter schools - LA Times:

Here's what parents have to say about union efforts at Alliance charter schools

Gabriela Garcia joins other parents and teachers at a news conference to protest what they said was pressure from Alliance College-Ready Public Schools to take a stand against teacher unionization. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)




e fight to unionize the largest provider of charter schools in Los Angeles is beginning to divide parents.
At a news conference Wednesday, a small group of parents, community organizers and United Teachers Los Angeles members complained that they felt pressured by Alliance College-Ready Public Schools to take a stance against unionization.
"We are concerned by the illegal anti-union campaign ... and the campaign to discredit parents who stand in solidarity with teachers," said Gabriela Garcia, whose daughter attends Alliance Richard Merkin Middle School.
"We don't appreciate being inundated with letters telling us that if our teachers formed a union, it would be dangerous for our kids," Rosalba Naranjo, who also has a child at Merkin Middle School, said in Spanish.
The group spoke across the street from Merkin Middle School and Gertz-Ressler High School, both Alliance campuses. The parents were flanked by large copies — in Spanish and English — of a public records request they are sending to Alliance. The request asks for such information as "the name and amount paid to any and all consultants employed to write and develop the anti-union communication."
Meanwhile, three parents waited in an Alliance school building to respond to the claims. Brought together by the charter group, the parents said they have never felt any pressure from the school to fight unionization. The correspondence they've received from the school didn't bother them.
"I received a letter that was informing me, but definitely not trying to sway me," said Alma Marquez, whose daughter is in 11th grade at Alliance Leichtman-Levine Family Foundation Environmental Science High School.
"We've gotten letters from the union inviting the parents to get informed," said Linda Hernandez, whose daughter is a senior at Susan & Eric Smidt Technology High School.
The alleged harassment, part of a packet circulated by the union and the parents who support it, includes a Frequently Asked Questions document Alliance sent to parents in April. In response to the question "Why doesn't Alliance have a union?" the school chain wrote that "We believe UTLA's 359-page contract with LAUSD would create a barrier between teachers and their principals, limiting our ability to meet Here's what parents have to say about union efforts at Alliance charter schools - LA Times:

Report: Time spent on standardized testing in schools is underestimated - The Washington Post

Report: Time spent on standardized testing in schools is underestimated - The Washington Post:

Report: Time spent on standardized testing in schools is underestimated





A new report finds that the amount of time estimated that students spend on standardized testing in New York State is underestimated.
The report (see below) was done by Robin Jacobowitz and Kt Tobin of The Benjamin Center for Public Policy Initiatives at SUNY New Paltz. Jacobowitz is the director of education projects at The Benjamin Center, and  Tobin is the center’s associate director.  They conclude:
*In the 2014-15 school year, on average, 1,110 minutes were dedicated to the New York State standardized testing process (in reading and math) for students in Grades 3-6 and 1,134 minutes were dedicated to this process for students in Grades 7-8. This represents 2 percent of “required annual instructional hours” for Grades 3-6 and 1.9 percent for Grades 7-8, and exceeds — essentially doubling — the standard set by the state legislature.
*This is an underestimation of the time testing really takes. For one thing, science testing,  mandated for students in 4th and 8th grades, are not included. In addition, the 180-day school year is used as a basis for establishing instructional hours in a year, even though previous research demonstrates that students in New York State do not receive the assumed 180 required days of instruction.
*The researchers did not measure all tasks associated with Grades 3-8 standardized testing, such as practice tests or test prep. Thus, the 2 percent is called a floor for the amount of time devoted to Grades 3-8 testing in New York.
*Instruction on testing days is limited well beyond the actual time students spend taking the tests. Whole schools are impacted by testing, even for non-testing grades.
Here’s a post on the report by its authors. While they look at New York State, the issues they raise about time spent on testing affect every state.

By Robin Jacobowitz and Kt Tobin
How much time does testing in schools really take?
A survey of New York State teachers who administered standardized assessments this past spring in Grades 3-8, conducted by the Benjamin Center at SUNY New Paltz, demonstrated that these tests took about 2 percent of the minimum required annual instructional hours. This is double the 1 percent limit placed on these assessments by the New York State legislature in 2014 — and this does not include many of the other tasks associated with New York Grades 3-8 testing, such as field tests, practice tests, makeup tests, test prep and lengthier administrations for English Language Learners or students with special needs.
This fall, Governor Andrew Cuomo charged his newly created Common Core Task Force with examining the quantity and length of exams. The state Education Department announced plans to reduce state-administered 2016 exams by eliminating some questions but not the time allotted to take the tests. And at the national level, the Obama administration called on lawmakers to ensure that tests not exceed 2 percent of classroom time.
But these policy choices about placing limits on testing time in schools are missing a key common-sense point: The proper measurement of time devoteReport: Time spent on standardized testing in schools is underestimated - The Washington Post:

Bennet selected to committee overhauling K-12 education bill

The Durango Herald 11/18/2015 | Bennet selected to committee overhauling K-12 education bill:

Bennet selected to committee overhauling K-12 education bill

Joint House-Senate conference committee working to reconcile legislative differences



WASHINGTON – U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet, D-Colo., has been named a member of the joint House and Senate conference committee tasked with reauthorizing and fixing the No Child Left Behind Act.
The bipartisan conference committee will reconcile differences between bills passed earlier this year by both the House of Representatives and Senate to reauthorize the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the main federal law governing K-12 public education.
No Child Left Behind, the latest iteration of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, was passed in 2002 and expired in 2007.
“We are on the precipice of finally fixing the problems with No Child Left Behind,” said Bennet, a member of the Senate’s Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee. “We must maintain the strengths from that law which allow us to monitor our kids’ progress and ensure we are preparing them for future success while re-empowering those closest to our kids to make decisions about their education.”
The compromise bill being worked out will reportedly limit the government’s role in overseeing K-12 education and would allow states to have a greater say in the use of state-level assessments for accountability purposes.
The U.S. Senate voted on Tuesday to appoint all 22 members of the Senate’s HELP committee to serve on the conference committee. House Speaker Paul D. Ryan, R-Wis., and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., respectively announced the selection of 10 House Republicans and seven House Democrats to the committee.
Bennet, who previously served as superintendent of Denver Public Schools, helped to write the Senate version of the ESEA reauthorization bill, the Every Child Achieves Act that passed the Senate this past July in an 81-17 vote.
That bill included dozens of provisions, authored by Bennet, to address issues such as inequality, school and district budgetary issues, and the lack of resources provided to rural school districts. In announcing his selection to the conference committee, Bennet said he would continue to push for legislative solutions that address these issues.
“While this bill is just one step to addressing the challenges facing kids living in poverty, we will work to ensure it includes important tools to help our states, school districts, principals and teachers prepare our kids for the 21st century,” Bennet said.
egraham@durangoherald.com. Edward Graham is a student at American University in Washington, D.C., and an intern for The Durango Herald.The Durango Herald 11/18/2015 | Bennet selected to committee overhauling K-12 education bill:

Our Own Private Disaster - Terrible Schools Are Great for Business | Boston Review

Our Own Private Disaster | Boston Review:

Our Own Private Disaster 

Terrible Schools Are Great for Business

Interior of Israel M. Augustine Middle School showing damage from Hurricane Katrina. Like many of New Orleans's former public schools, the building remains derelict and abandoned since the storm. Photo: shkizzle


The Inevitable City: Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans, and 10 Principles of Crisis Leadership
Scott Cowen with Betsy Seifter
St. Martin's Press, $17 (paperback)

In August 2015 Kristen McQueary published an op-ed in the Chicago Tribune wishing that a Hurricane Katrina would wash away Chicago’s teachers unions and public housing:
That’s what it took to hit the reset button in New Orleans. . . . A new mayor slashed the city budget, forced unpaid furloughs, cut positions, detonated labor contracts. . . . An underperforming public school system saw a complete makeover. A new schools chief, Paul Vallas, designed a school system with the flexibility of an entrepreneur. No restrictive mandates from the city or the state. No demands from teacher unions to abide. Instead, he created the nation’s first free-market education system.
McQueary later apologized, but she was only repeating the beliefs of many of the country’s elite, who wish to do away with teachers unions and dispossess the long-term residents of American cities who trenchantly resist efforts to privatize social services. Former Tulane University president Scott Cowen’s new book, The Inevitable City, demonstrates how one member of the white New Orleans elite took it upon himself to subject his city to disaster capitalism post-Katrina, which he sees as model leadership to guide others seeking to do the same in their cities.
In Cowen’s thinking, Hurricane Katrina presented a golden opportunity to remake New Orleans as a privatized, corporatized playground for white tourists and tech companies—liberated from the troublesome teachers unions, housing projects, and neighborhood interests that he believes held the city back for decades. African Americans remain a part of this technocratic city, but they primarily appear as iconic touchstones—musicians, chefs, Mardi Gras Indians—whose purpose is to bring local color to new New Orleans. He states that Katrina “was the crisis that forced new ideas,” ideas he himself claims he led. He fails to provide a moral calculus for finding these opportunities on the backs of the city’s 1,800 dead.
In fact, in the past decade New Orleans has been quite utterly transformed by the displacement of the largely impoverished African American population and by the privatization of the city’s social services. Prison corporations took over the city’s jails while charter school evangelists wrested control of education, making it the nation’s first all-charter school system. The city tore down thousands of units of public housing. The New Orleans school system fired 7,500 unionized teachers—mostly African Americans—and replaced them with Teach for America workers, sending untrained and idealistic young volunteers into impoverished schools. The public housing projects of pre-Katrina New Orleans had more than their share of problems and probably needed to be torn down. But the new mixed-income projects have pushed poor residents who serve as the labor force for the French Quarter out into distant New Orleans East, where they have no access to public transportation. Sixteen thousand New Orleans residents are currently on a waitlist for subsidized housing. Wealthy whites have increasingly gentrified large swaths of the city, engineering a carnival of food, drink, and culture without the messiness of poverty and racial strife that has underpinned the city for two hundred years. Meanwhile, rapid gentrification led by politicians and corporations retains the city’s famed culture as amenities for the consumption of wealthy whites instead of as the culture of everyday people.
• • •
Naomi Klein’s The Shock Doctrine popularized the idea of disaster capitalism by focusing on how corporations, rich world governments, and international funding agencies take advantage of economic crises to “shock” the economic system by privatizing public resources, creating profit for corporations while generating inequality and despair for the purported beneficiaries of this “largesse.” New Orleans has become a prime example of what happens when disaster relief is privatized and allowed to reshape cities without input from—and often to the exclusion of—those most affected: the residents.
A free-market city is an exploitative city, one that displaces the poor and overpowers democratic structures.
In The Inevitable City, Cowen is proud to have taken advantage of the hurricane to implement Shock Doctrine ideology in New Orleans, starting with Tulane and moving on to the New Orleans public school system. His first post-Katrina priority was to get Tulane up and running because the city needed the jobs and the potent symbol of a functioning university. But in doing so, Cowen led two controversial initiatives. First, he pushed through the chartering of a nearby, predominantly African American school so that the children of his mostly white employees would have a place to send their children. Second, he unilaterally reorganized Tulane, firing tenured professors and consolidating programs without input from faculty. This led to his censure by the American Association of University Professors. He justifies both as examples of his leadership in tough times:
A first principle of leadership is “Do the right thing,” despite opposition. Leaders have the realism to face the facts, the wisdom to weigh the options, the will to make a decision, and the audacity to act. Which is another way of saying, Stand up and do what you think is best.
Cowen’s vision of leadership seems to be that one simply does what one wishes—that displaced black schoolchildren are in effect mere impediments to a kind of self-actualization that one achieves through proper “leadership.”


Unfortunately, that school was merely the beginning. Cowen went on to be a central player in the transformation of New Orleans into the first all-charter school district in the United States. While Cowen and others champion the results—including purportedly higher test Our Own Private Disaster | Boston Review:

Does It Pay To Pay Teachers $100,000? : NPR Ed : NPR

Does It Pay To Pay Teachers $100,000? : NPR Ed : NPR:

Does It Pay To Pay Teachers $100,000?

Once all but unattainable, a six-figure salary is a reality for a growing number of teachers.




We're brought up to believe our teachers are modern-day saints.
Just look at how we portray them in the movies and on TV. From Dead Poets Society's iconic Mr. Keating to resourceful LouAnne Johnson in Dangerous Minds, we reinforce time and again that teaching is a noble calling.
These teachers are heroes, we're told. It's hard to imagine them even thinking about money.
But their real-life counterparts aren't getting rich, either. The average pay for a teacher in the United States? About $56,000, usually higher in urban districts, lower in rural ones. Add the fact that salaries fell in recent years, and it's probably no surprise that more teachers are leaving the profession, with fewer entering it.
And yet, here and there, in a few places around the country, some teachers have attained what has long been considered a mark of success in this country: a six-figure salary.
One place you can find them is Washington, D.C. After 14 years teaching in the nation's capital, Hope Harrod is closing in on that magic number.
"I didn't expect to make the kind of money I'm making now," she says.
Sure, $100,000 doesn't put you up there with hedge-fund managers. But it's still good money.
These days, paying teachers that much is "unusual, but not rare," says Dick Startz, an economist with the University of California, Santa Barbara. And it's becoming less rare every day.
The teacher shortages and pipeline problems are leading some school districts back to the drawing board — or chalkboard, rather. And increasingly, one of the things on the table is higher pay — even six figures.
In most places, reaching that magic number still means getting there the old-fashioned way — with a master's degree and 10 or 20 years on the job. And in places like New York state, salaries are given a hefty boost simply because the cost of living is higher, too.
So what's new? A growing number of districts are looking to change that pay structure. The goal: Give teachers, even younger teachers, the chance to earn more. Reward them not for seniority or advanced degrees, but for how well they teach.
Startz called these strides a "very small step" in the right direction. "If we want a large set of people to do a job relatively well, we have to pay them relatively well," he said.
'It's A Really Good Feeling'
Until a few years ago, Hope Harrod made better than the national average for a teacher, but nowhere near six figures. The 40-year-old educator, who teaches fourth- and fifth-graders at John Burroughs Elementary School in Washington, says that changed in 2010. That was the year Michelle Rhee, then the city's schools chancellor, Does It Pay To Pay Teachers $100,000? : NPR Ed : NPR: