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Friday, August 28, 2026

LITTLE DONNY, THE MAGIC MARKER, AND THE OVAL DAYCARE CENTER

 

LITTLE DONNY, THE MAGIC MARKER, AND THE OVAL DAYCARE CENTER

A Cautionary Tale for Children Who Are Definitely Not Children

Chapter One: The Early Days of Supervised Chaos

Every school has that kid. The one who eats the paste, argues with the fire drill, and somehow ends up on the news.

At the Oval Daycare Center — a prestigious institution located on a very important piece of real estate in Washington, D.C. — that kid was Little Donny.

When Donny first enrolled, the place was running like a well-oiled machine under the watchful eye of Mr. Kelly, a no-nonsense teacher who believed firmly in two things: structure and consequences. Under Mr. Kelly's supervision, Little Donny mostly behaved. He grumbled. He pouted. He once tried to redecorate the reading corner with gold crayon. But Mr. Kelly would simply look at him over his glasses with the quiet authority of a man who has seen things, and Donny would sit back down.

It wasn't perfect. But it was functional.

Then Donny's parents moved away for four years, leaving him at the family estate under the supervision of maids, butlers, and a pool boy named Eduardo who was far too polite to tell a child "no." Donny spent those four years doing absolutely whatever he wanted, eating McDonald's in the ballroom, watching television for twelve hours a day, and developing what child psychologists might generously call "an unstructured relationship with boundaries."

What the rest of us would call: completely feral.

Chapter Two: Return to the Oval — Now With Vouchers

When Donny's parents moved him back to D.C. and re-enrolled him, they discovered the old Daycare Center had undergone a transformation.

Thanks to a robust voucher program and some very enthusiastic donors with very specific interests, it had been rebranded as the Rich Kids Oval School — a K-through-6 charter institution where the dress code was optional, accountability was aspirational, and the PTA meetings lasted six hours and accomplished nothing.

Donny now had two new teachers:

Miss Susie — a principled, by-the-book educator who genuinely believed that rules existed for reasons and that even the most difficult child could be reached through consistency and firm expectations.

She lasted approximately one semester before quietly requesting a transfer to a quieter posting, like a active volcano monitoring station.

Miss Natalie — a more pragmatic soul, who had long ago accepted that some children cannot be stopped, only redirected. She approached Little Donny the way one approaches a raccoon in a kitchen: carefully, with snacks, and absolutely no sudden movements.

Chapter Three: The Magic Marker Incident(s)

Now, Little Donny had many habits that tested the patience of staff, students, and the janitorial union.

He threw legendary temper tantrums — the kind that rattled the windows and caused the school hamster to develop anxiety. He refused to share. He told other kids their lunches were "losers" and that his lunch, a golden-wrapped cheeseburger delivered by private car, was "the best lunch, maybe ever, people are saying."

But his defining quirk — the one that would be discussed in hushed tones in the teacher's lounge for years — was the Magic Marker.

Specifically: Little Donny could not stop writing his name on things.

Everywhere you looked in the Rich Kids Oval School, you would find the evidence:

  • 📚 The library — every teacher's name on every book, crossed out in thick black marker, replaced with DONNY.
  • 🍽️ The cafeteria — the menu board, the lunch tables, the sneeze guard over the macaroni.
  • 🚻 The little boys' room — floor to ceiling. An impressive commitment, honestly.
  • 🚺 The little girls' room — here, in a detail that confused everyone, he switched to red ink. The school counselor wrote three memos about this. None were conclusive.
  • 🏛️ The principal's office — he'd gotten in there on a Tuesday and no one noticed until Thursday.

And it didn't stop at school property.

Little Donny would escape the campus — security was, charitably, porous — and roam the surrounding neighborhood with his marker, tagging park benches, the post office, a beloved local bakery, and at least two foreign-owned restaurants whose owners were too baffled to file complaints.

Chapter Four: Miss Natalie's Brilliant (Briefly Effective) Strategy

Miss Natalie, being a woman of considerable ingenuity and dwindling options, devised a plan.

"If I just print his name everywhere," she reasoned, "with cheerful fonts and fun pictures — little stars, little eagles, little golden things — maybe he'll feel seen enough to put the marker down."

She printed banners. She made certificates. She put his name on the classroom door in glitter letters. She created a "Donny of the Day" bulletin board that was, in retrospect, a mistake.

And it worked.

For about eleven days, Little Donny floated through the school on a cloud of narcissistic satisfaction, marker capped, hands in pockets, almost pleasant.

Then he renamed the Ontario Fish Tank.

The fish tank — a beautiful, well-maintained aquarium donated by the Canadian consulate as a gesture of goodwill, featuring actual fish from the Great Lakes region and a tasteful plaque reading "A Gift From Our Friends to the North" — was now labeled, in thick black permanent marker on the glass:

"DONNY'S OCEAN. THE BEST FISH. TREMENDOUS FISH."

The Canadian consulate sent a very polite letter. Then a less polite one. Then they stopped sending letters entirely, which, if you know Canadians, means things have gotten serious.

Chapter Five: The Funding Vote and the Plastic Gold Problem

The fish tank incident was, as they say, the last straw — or at least the last straw for the people who still had straws, because Donny had also written his name on the straw dispenser.

The other students, the parents, the neighboring schools, and several international pen pals who had received suspiciously marked-up letters all agreed: something had to be done.

They voted to reduce Donny's funding.

No more unlimited markers. No more special marker budget line item disguised as "educational supplies." And — crucially — they addressed the other issue:

The Plastic Gold.

Because in addition to the markers, Little Donny had taken to bringing items from home — gaudy, plastic, gold-painted decorations — and affixing them to the classroom walls. Plastic gold eagles. Plastic gold plaques. A plastic gold chandelier that he'd somehow gotten past the front desk and hung over his assigned desk, which he had also, naturally, written his name on.

The classroom looked like the fever dream of a Vegas hotel designer who had never left the gift shop.

The vote passed. The marker budget was slashed. The plastic gold was quietly removed by the custodial staff, who deserved hazard pay and received none.

Epilogue: Counting Down to Mar-a-Lago Middle

Little Donny was, at the time of this writing, in the 4th grade.

This was both the problem and, strangely, the comfort.

Because everyone — Miss Natalie, the remaining staff, the fish, the Canadian consulate, the neighbors, the kids who just wanted to eat lunch without finding someone's name on their tray — was doing the same quiet math:

Two more years. Just two more years.

At the end of 6th grade, Little Donny would graduate and move on to his next institution: the Mar-a-Lago Middle School for Rich Little Aholes** — a private facility in Florida that had, sources confirmed, very washable walls, a full-time marker confiscation team, and a golf course where he could write his name in the sand to his heart's content.

Until then, the school held its breath, hid the Sharpies, and kept the fish tank under 24-hour surveillance.

🖊️ This has been a work of satire. Any resemblance to actual children, actual daycare centers, actual magic markers, or actual fish is purely coincidental and entirely intentional.


Big Education Ape: ANOTHER BRICK IN THE WALL: WHAT BILLIONAIRE ED-REFORMERS KEEP GETTING WRONG ABOUT LITTLE KIDS https://bigeducationape.blogspot.com/2026/08/another-brick-in-wall-what-billionaire.html









THE GREAT CALIFORNIA SCHOOL SELL-OFF: A Witty Guide to How the Golden State Is Auctioning Off Its Kids' Future — One Charter School at a Time

 

THE GREAT CALIFORNIA SCHOOL SELL-OFF

A Witty Guide to How the Golden State Is Auctioning Off Its Kids' Future — One Charter School at a Time


: A Witty Guide to How the Golden State Is Auctioning Off Its Kids' Future — One Charter School at a Time

August 27, 2026 | A Big Education Ape Special Report

Welcome to California, the fourth-largest economy on the planet — a state that can build a $100 billion high-speed rail to nowhere, subsidize a thousand tech unicorns, and produce more billionaires per square mile than anywhere outside a Bond villain convention. And yet, somehow, somehow, we can't find the money to send sixth graders to Camp Sacramento. Let that one marinate on your avocado toast for a moment.

This is the story of how California's public schools — once the envy of the nation, the ladder that lifted generations from poverty into the middle class — became the hottest real estate in the billionaire portfolio. It's a story with two parties, zero heroes, and approximately ten thousand consultants billing $300 an hour to explain why your kid's classroom doesn't have enough pencils.

Buckle up. This ride is free — unlike the charter school down the street.

🕰️ ACT ONE: BACK IN THE DAY, WHEN THE PARTIES KNEW THEIR LANES

Once upon a time in California, the political script was refreshingly simple. Republicans were the darlings of the billionaire class — the ones who believed the free market could solve everything, including, apparently, the education of seven-year-olds. Democrats, meanwhile, were the champions of public schools, teachers' unions, and the radical notion that every kid deserved a decent education regardless of their parents' zip code.

Those were the days. Simple. Clean. Almost wholesome.

Then something happened. The billionaires discovered that public education — with its $100+ billion annual budget, its captive audience of 5.8 million students, and its delightfully underpaid workforce — was, in the parlance of Silicon Valley, a massive market opportunity.

And faster than you can say "disruption," the Democrats discovered that billionaire money spends just as well as Republican billionaire money. Possibly better, because it comes with a TED Talk and a nonprofit wrapper.

ACT TWO: THE GREAT PARTY SWAP — OR, HOW EVERYONE LEARNED TO LOVE THE CHARTER

Here's where the plot twist arrives, dressed in a fleece vest and carrying a term sheet.

The Republicans — never ones to miss a privatization bandwagon — pivoted to vouchers. Why mess around with the charter school middle game when you can just hand parents a government check and tell them to shop? It's the free market in its purest, most ideologically satisfying form. Never mind that the evidence for vouchers improving educational outcomes is roughly as robust as the evidence that crystals cure cancer.

The Democrats — and this is the part that requires a moment of genuine silence — became the primary benefactors of the billionaire charter school industrial complex. The California Charter Schools Association (CCSA), funded lavishly by tech moguls and hedge fund managers who have never set foot in a Title I school, found its warmest welcome not in the GOP, but in the Democratic establishment.

The result? Both parties are now enthusiastically pro-privatization. They just use different branding.

  • Republicans call it "school choice."
  • Democrats call it "innovation" and "accountability."
  • The kids call it "why did my school close?"

Meanwhile, the billionaire TechBros — having already disrupted taxis, hotels, and human connection — have figured out which side butters their avocado toast. Both sides. Simultaneously. Because when you have that kind of money, you don't pick a team. You own the league.

ACT THREE: SACRAMENTO — WHERE THE SAUSAGE GETS MADE (AND THE KIDS GET SERVED THE SCRAPS)

Here in Sacramento, the privatization drama plays out at three levels simultaneously — state, county, and community — like a particularly dysfunctional layer cake where the frosting is Super PAC money and the filling is broken promises.

The State Level: AB 181 and the Education Czar Cometh

Governor Gavin Newsom — a man of such exquisite political timing that he can sign a bill stripping democratic accountability from public education and simultaneously pitch himself as the working-class champion, all before his morning green juice — signed Assembly Bill 181 on July 10, 2026.

The bill's effect? Starting January 15, 2027, California's independently elected State Superintendent of Public Instruction — the one statewide education official you actually get to vote for — will be stripped of day-to-day control over the California Department of Education. In its place: a Governor-appointed Education Commissioner, answerable to exactly one person.

The bill was tucked into a budget trailer bill. Drafted and passed in days. Current State Superintendent Tony Thurmond was excluded from the process entirely.

Democracy, apparently, moves fast when billionaires are impatient.

The primary cheerleader for AB 181? A group called Children Now, led by Ted Lempert — which markets itself under the warm, fuzzy banner of "children's advocacy." Crack open their IRS Form 990 disclosures, however, and you'll find a very familiar roster of Silicon Valley donors whose primary interest in children appears to be their Average Daily Attendance funding.

The County Level: Dave Gordon and the Fiscal Veto

Enter Sacramento County Superintendent Dave Gordon and the Sacramento County Office of Education (SCOE) — the regional financial watchdog operating under Assembly Bill 1200, California's 1991 framework for preventing school district insolvency.

Sacramento City Unified School District (SCUSD) is staring down a structural deficit of $170 million to $220 million-plus. To avoid state receivership — a process that would strip the elected school board of all power for potentially 20 years — the district struck a deal with its teachers' union to tap roughly $67 million to $98 million from its retiree health benefits trust fund (OPEB trust) to cover immediate operational costs.

SCOE said: No.

Gordon's argument is technically sound: raiding a retiree health trust to pay operating expenses is like eating your retirement savings to cover your Netflix bill. It delays the reckoning, costs more in the long run, and leaves future retirees holding an empty bag.

The district's argument is also technically sound: decades of Prop 13-era underfunding, compounded by medical inflation running at double-digit annual rates, have left them with no good options — only less-bad ones.

State Superintendent Thurmond then did something remarkable: he formally denied SCUSD's appeal to overturn SCOE's rejection — and simultaneously issued a public endorsement of the district's strategy and threatened to bypass SCOE entirely and have the California Department of Education take direct oversight.

In other words: he ruled against the district legally, cheered for them publicly, and threatened to override the county watchdog that he himself had just sided with.

This is what governance looks like when politics and fiscal reality are playing different sports in the same stadium.

County superintendents statewide are now appealing to the legislature to clarify that state officials cannot override AB 1200 county oversight short of an actual emergency loan and formal receivership. Because if the state can just waltz past county fiscal watchdogs whenever it's politically convenient, the entire 35-year framework of California school district fiscal oversight becomes decorative.

The Community Level: Camp Sacramento and the Cruelest Cut

And then there's this.

Sacramento City Unified just cancelled funding for the sixth-grade trip to Camp Sacramento.

Camp Sacramento. A tradition stretching back decades. The trip where kids from Sacramento's urban neighborhoods — many of whom have never left the city — get to sleep under the stars in the Sierra Nevada, learn about ecosystems, and discover that the world is bigger than their block.

Gone. Cancelled. A line item eliminated in a spreadsheet somewhere between "administrative overhead" and "consultant fees."

The kids don't get a Super PAC. The kids don't get a lobbyist. The kids don't get a seat at the table where these decisions are made. They get the bill.

Meanwhile, the state officials, county administrators, and legislators making these decisions will continue to receive their ration of billionaire privatizer Super PAC money — and will probably get re-elected to take another swing at dismantling California's public schools.

THE PRIVATIZATION SCORECARD: WHO'S WINNING, WHO'S LOSING

Here's the honest ledger of California's education privatization experiment, circa 2026:

PlayerWhat They GetWhat Kids Get
Billionaire TechBrosTax write-offs, market access, political influenceA charter school that may or may not still exist in 5 years
Democratic establishmentSuper PAC funding, "reform" credibility, presidential opticsAn appointed Education Czar they didn't vote for
Republican establishmentVoucher talking points, donor enthusiasmA check to spend at a private school with no accountability
County oversight bodiesStatutory authority, fiscal credibilityThe thankless job of saying "no" while everyone yells at them
Teachers & unionsContract protections (for now)A retiree health trust being raided to pay the electric bill
Sacramento 6th gradersNothingNo Camp Sacramento

THE ROOT CAUSE NOBODY WANTS TO TALK ABOUT



Here's the inconvenient truth buried beneath all the governance theater:

California's school funding crisis is, at its core, a Proposition 13 hangover that has never been fully treated.

Before 1978, California ranked near the top of the nation in per-pupil education spending. Prop 13 capped property taxes, slashed local school revenue by nearly 60% almost overnight, and shifted funding responsibility to a state general fund that is — by design — volatile, cyclical, and perpetually insufficient.

The Local Control Funding Formula (LCFF), launched in 2013, was a genuine improvement. Per-pupil spending rose substantially. But LCFF funding tracks Average Daily Attendance — meaning that as urban districts lose enrollment (to charters, to demographic shifts, to families leaving the state), they lose revenue faster than they can reduce fixed costs like heating, staffing, and — yes — retiree healthcare obligations negotiated in better times.

The districts facing insolvency today are not, by and large, districts that made reckless decisions. They are districts that made reasonable decisions in the 1980s and 1990s — offering lifetime healthcare to attract and retain teachers when salaries were low — and are now being crushed by the compound interest of medical inflation, declining enrollment, and a funding formula that was never designed to handle structural demographic contraction.

The billionaires didn't cause Prop 13. But they have been extraordinarily good at ensuring that the solution to the crisis it created is more privatization rather than more funding.

 THE FINAL ACT: WHAT HAPPENS NEXT

If Sacramento City Unified runs out of cash — projected as early as spring 2027 — the state will issue an Emergency Apportionment loan. The elected school board will be stripped of authority. A state-appointed administrator will take control. School closures, staff layoffs, and facility sales will follow.

Charter operators will be waiting.

They are always waiting.

And the billionaires who funded the campaigns of the officials who defunded the district will shake their heads sadly and say, "Such a shame. Good thing we're here to help."

THE ONLY THING THAT ACTUALLY WORKS: NOVEMBER

Here's the good news — and there is good news, even in this particular dumpster fire.

None of this is inevitable. All of it is political. And politics responds to votes.

The battle over California's public schools is being fought at every level — state, county, and community. And at every level, the outcome depends on who shows up in November.

  • State races determine who controls the legislature that funds schools, writes the laws that govern charters, and decides whether an elected State Superintendent means anything.
  • County Board of Education races — historically so low-profile that candidates run unopposed — determine who has the power to approve or deny charter school petitions and oversee district finances.
  • Local school board races determine whether your community's schools are governed by the community or by the consultants.

The billionaires know this. That's why they spend millions on these races. They understand that a county board seat purchased for $500,000 in Super PAC money can unlock hundreds of millions in charter school ADA funding.

The question is whether the rest of us understand it too.

If you love public schools — if you believe that every California kid deserves a fully funded education, a qualified teacher, and yes, a sixth-grade trip to Camp Sacramento — then remember in November. Vote for candidates who support full, stable, equitable funding of California's public schools. Not the ones with the best-funded Super PAC. The ones with the best-funded conscience.


🔗 Further Reading from Big Education Ape:





SOURCES & LINKS

The Great California School Sell-Off — Full Reference List


🏛️ Legislative & Government Sources


🏫 California Department of Education & State Agencies


🏙️ Sacramento City Unified School District & County

  • Sacramento City Unified School District (SCUSD) — Official district site www.scusd.edu

  • Sacramento County Office of Education (SCOE) — County Superintendent Dave Gordon www.scoe.net

  • Sacramento City Teachers Association (SCTA) — Teachers' union involved in fiscal negotiations www.scta.org


📰 Big Education Ape — Original Reporting & Analysis


🏢 Advocacy & Reform Organizations


📊 Fiscal & Accounting Standards


🎙️ Related Blogs & Commentary


📌 All links current as of August 27, 2026. Legislative links reference the California Legislative Information portal, which archives all bill versions, analyses, and vote records. Big Education Ape posts are independently published and represent editorial commentary drawing on primary source documents, public financial filings, and legislative records.